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Social Information Processing Model

Social information processing (SIP) theory hypothesizes that people’s attitudes and motivations—at work or, for that matter, other places—are a function not just of the objective situations they face but also of the attitudes and motives held by others in their immediate environment; they are also a result of the effect of others to cause individuals to rationalize and make sense of past behavior. Because of the importance of these processes, one of the major tasks of management is to affect the informational context so that people come to see the world in particular ways. SIP theory developed in part in reaction to the large literature on job characteristics that spoke to the motivating potential of jobs and the importance of objective job characteristics. SIP theory argued that job characteristics were not merely objective properties of particular work arrangements but rather were socially constructed through a process of collective perception and agreement. And perceptions of job attributes were also created by the choices people made and their need to make sense of those choices. Thus, people in an employee’s environment influenced what job dimensions the person focused on, what information the person used in assessing those dimensions of the work environment, and what attitudes and perceptions to hold. As a consequence, management could intervene in the workplace not just by changing the objective features of the job but also by affecting how people thought about and talked about their work. This entry reviews the arguments and predictions of SIP and also places the theory in the context of other ideas that emphasize the importance of context for understanding behavior.

Fundamentals

SIP posits that, as adaptive organisms, individuals modify their attitudes and behavior to accommodate to the social environment in which they exist, as well as to their own past behaviors. The most commonly studied dependent variables have been perceptions of job characteristics—autonomy, variety, and so forth—and job attitudes such as overall satisfaction with the job and with particular facets of satisfaction, such as pay and the quality of supervision. In fewer instances, the dependent variables have included actual behaviors, particularly turnover (e.g., voluntarily quitting).

The first prediction is that social information affects perceptions of job attributes and job attitudes. The prediction has been tested using both field data and experiments. One experimental paradigm involved designing tasks that varied in their characteristics as assessed by others and then randomly assigning people to either enriched (more interesting and challenging) or unenriched (routine activities with little variety or autonomy) tasks and also exposing subjects to information that suggested that the tasks they were working on as part of the experiment were either enriched and challenging or not. Social information not only affected task perceptions but had an effect larger than the actual job characteristics. A typical field study design assessed the extent to which people working together and in frequent contact with each other shared perceptions of task characteristics and job attitudes. One study design asked whether people in contact had a higher degree of consensus on perceptions of job attributes and their job attitudes than others doing similar work but located in different units that had less (or even no) contact.

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