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Broken windows is an influential criminological theory that posits that minor disorderly conditions left unchecked will result in neighborhood decline and increased serious criminal activity. James Q. Wilson and George Kelling originally presented it in the March 1982 issue of Atlantic Monthly magazine. Proponents of the theory credit the order-maintenance policing strategies derived from it with reducing crime in communities across the United States in recent decades. By contrast, critics of the theory submit that it is unproven and has been used to justify overly aggressive police tactics that infringe on individuals’ rights and antagonize large segments of communities. This entry outlines the tenets of broken windows theory. It then presents a concise overview of the empirical research conducted to examine the validity of the theory. This entry concludes with a brief discussion of the criticisms leveled against policing practices based on the theory.

Tenets of Broken Windows Theory

Broken windows theory is based on two key notions. First, a primary source of fear in public spaces, along with fear of crime, is the fear of being bothered by disorderly people. This disorderly behavior— sometimes referred to as social disorder—need not be violent, or even criminal, to be fear inducing. Rather, unpredictable or unruly behavior by rowdy teenagers, addicts, drunks, and other loiterers can induce fear. Second, at the community level, disorder and crime are indirectly linked. A broken window is more than just an example, along with graffiti and litter-filled vacant lots, of physical disorder. Instead, that metaphorical broken window, left unrepaired, indicates that no one cares. Unchecked social and physical disorder manifests a breakdown of community controls, and thus become harbingers of more disorder and street crime, potentially including serious crime.

Because disorder can be as fear inducing as more serious crime, altering policing techniques can meaningfully address disorderly conditions, and thus make citizens feel safer. This premise is based in part on findings from an evaluation of a police foot patrol initiative in Newark, New Jersey. Whereas police departments with a crime-fighting focus will give low priority to enforcing laws against disorderly acts such as public drinking and drug use, this evaluation indicated that although the initiative did not result in less crime, citizens reported feeling safer as the result of officers who walked their beats (as opposed to patrolling from their squad cars) and proactively addressed disorderly behavior. According to Wilson and Kelling, the effective beat officer in Newark sometimes achieved results by enforcing the law, but just as often employed informal measures—including acts that likely would not survive legal challenge—to uphold neighborhood-specific standards of public order.

The idea that unchecked disorder and crime are causally linked is rooted in psychological research. In the late 1960s, the social psychologist Philip Zimbardo conducted research which showed that property which is demonstrably untended quickly becomes a target for vandalism and theft, even in “good” neighborhoods. From this research, Wilson and Kelling infer that “untended” behavior can result in a failure of community controls. Unaddressed instances of physical disorder and social disorder can beget further instances of disorder. As the frequency of such instances increases, law-abiding residents will alter their behavior to reduce their perceived risk of victimization. As their confidence in their ability to regulate public behavior diminishes, they may take steps from tending to stay inside their homes to moving to less disorderly neighborhoods. In sum, as social isolation waxes, informal social control wanes. In a community that experiences such a downward spiral, disorder intensifies and becomes more pervasive, and criminogenic conditions flourish.

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