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Self-esteem refers to one's overall positive or negative evaluation of oneself and can be viewed in a variety of ways: as an enduring trait, as stable versus fragile, as specific domains of contingent self-worth, or as a goal that people pursue. Self-esteem is thought to develop in childhood and remains relatively stable over time. Although there are costs associated with different types of self-esteem, there are alternatives to pursuing self-esteem that may help to reduce the costs.

There is tremendous emphasis in North American culture on self-esteem, with continuing discussion over whether self-esteem is a universal need or is unique to North American culture. In popular culture, thousands of self-help books and child-rearing manuals have been written on this topic; in the scientific community, more than 15,000 journal articles have been published in this area in the past 30 years. Self-esteem has often been hailed as an antidote to society's problems. The self-esteem movement of the 1990s assumed that raising people's self-esteem could reduce social problems such as low academic achievement, high dropout rates, teenage pregnancy, domestic violence, and drug and alcohol abuse. A recent review of the literature by Roy Baumeister and colleagues, however, suggests that the effects of trait self-esteem may be limited. High self-esteem, once thought to predict a variety of positive outcomes, was found to be associated only with a tendency to experience positive emotions and feelings of self-efficacy. Low self-esteem, once thought to be a cause of negative outcomes, was found to be merely a symptom or correlate of negative outcomes rather than a reliable cause. Overall, their review suggested that there may be more to self-esteem than whether it is high or low.

This entry examines the multifaceted nature of self-esteem: how self-esteem affects people's responses to self-threats; the stability of self-esteem; contingencies of self-worth, or the domains on which people base their self-esteem; and self-validation goals, or the desire to prove that one possesses certain qualities on which self-esteem is based. This entry concludes with a discussion of cross-cultural differences in self-esteem and ways to reduce the costs associated with pursuing self-esteem.

Responses to Self-Esteem Threats

High-self-esteem people possess favorable, confidently held self-views. They are skilled at maintaining and enhancing their self-esteem, especially in the face of self-threats. For example, following failure feedback, high-self-esteem people, compared to low-self-esteem people, are likely to call to mind their strengths relative to weaknesses, persist longer on tasks, take more risks, and affirm themselves in domains unrelated to the threat in order to boost their self-esteem. In addition, they are likely to deflect the threat away from themselves and make self-serving attributions, such as by blaming others or dismissing the validity of the negative feedback.

Low-self-esteem people possess relatively less favorable, less confident self-views and are highly concerned about the possibility of being rejected by others. When low-self-esteem people fail, they are quicker to call to mind their weaknesses relative to strengths, and tend to internalize and overgeneralize the negative feedback to themselves, viewing the failure as confirmation of their global inadequacy. Low-self-esteem people engage in self-protective strategies following failure to avoid further loss of self-esteem, such as reducing their task motivation, avoiding risks, and showing decreased desire to repair their negative moods.

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