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Beginning with James Coleman, researchers have long argued that school outcomes, whether attainment (how far one goes in school) or achievement, are linked in large part to student social class background. Since Coleman and colleagues' 1966 report, Equality of Educational Opportunity (better known as the Coleman Report), a number of scholars have extended research on school-related outcomes to postsecondary education, only to determine that higher education itself, though promising equality of opportunity, is increasingly stratified by social class. Indeed, although educational opportunities were extended to a broader segment of population in the United States and in a variety of other nations during the 20th century, differences by social class have persisted at largely consistent levels.

Research by Jay Campbell, Catherine Hombo, and John Mazzeo suggests persistent relative class differences in achievement-related outcomes, and Michael Hout, Adrian Raftery, and Eleanor Bell indicate that class differences in attainment have remained relatively constant. Given these analyses, as well as the research of numerous other scholars, Adam Gamoran, in the 2001 “millennium” issue of Sociology of Education, offered a forecast for 21st-century inequality, a forecast that he subsequently affirmed in 2008: “To foreshadow my current findings, the updated evidence and new policies do not provide a basis for overturning the earlier conclusion that the outcomes of U.S. education will continue to be stratified by social class” (2008, p. 169).

This entry explores the ways in which education contributes to the reproduction of class inequalities. Special attention is paid to the research that has focused on both official and unofficial school policies that result in the reification of privilege.

Education and the Reproduction of Social and Economic Inequalities

The workings of educational institutions help ensure the reproduction of social and economic inequalities by privileging those who are already privileged by virtue of educational and economic background, while denying key skills and academic outcomes to those who are less privileged to begin with.

A rich body of literature spans the ways that class and race stratification in families and educational institutions affect three sets of educationally related outcomes: academic achievement and attainment, college attendance patterns (postsecondary attendance, destinations, persistence, and graduation rates), and short- and long-term employment opportunities and income. Class- and race-based stratification, ultimately, privileges those already privileged, while denying the same opportunities to poor and working-class students. Literature that deals with familial and institutional stratification focuses on the following:

  • Social and cultural capital embedded within families, and the extent to which such varying forms of capital are differentially valued by schools
  • The class/raced nature of “official” school knowledge and the ways in which such knowledge works to benefit those already privileged
  • Ability grouping in primary schools; forms of “pre-tracking” in middle schools; and formal academic tracking of students in secondary schools, including academic versus vocational tracks, and more complex forms of tracking such as regular, honors, and Advanced Placement, and International Baccalaureate classes and streams in secondary school
  • High-stakes testing, which often determines one's initial and continued educational track and subsequent short- and long-term educational outcomes
  • Differential class- and race-based access to academic knowledge in elementary school, which excludes many from academic placement and a range of educational opportunities in middle and secondary school
  • Differential access to rigorous math and science courses in secondary school that are directly linked to college attendance patterns
  • Dropout and push-out (encouraging a student to leave school) patterns that contribute to pipeline constriction
  • Increased segregation and hyper-segregation resulting from the repeal of desegregation court orders

This robust and important body of research on the workings of K–12 institutions indicates that schools largely ensure that poor and working-class students, if they graduate from secondary school at all, are less well positioned than are their more privileged counterparts for college and university entrance, persistence, and graduation and, by extension, for relatively stable and high-paid positions in the increasingly competitive global economy.

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