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Explicitly multicultural and/or intercultural education is a very recent and still marginal educational phenomenon in Mexico. However, the long-standing Latin American and particularly Mexican tradition of indigenismo constitutes a kind of “multiculturalism avant la lettre” that still shapes the educational institutions specifically designed for the country's 68 indigenous peoples who make up approximately 10% of the Mexican population. Indigenismo may be defined as a governmental policy of integrating indigenous peoples into the Mexican society and economy through parallel institutions dedicated to cultural, educational, and economic development for indigenous communities.

In a series of phases, which are similar to the different and consecutive European and North American approaches, throughout the decades after the Mexican Revolution of 1917, indigenist policies have changed from openly assimilationist to integrationist and then to pluralizing “bilingual and bicultural” educational programs for indigenous communities. In broad terms, we may distinguish three main periods of multicultural education in 20th- and 21st-century Mexico: the postrevolutionary period of “classical” indigenismo (until the 1980s), the period of ethnic mobilization and indigenous multiculturalism (during the 1980s and 1990s), and the current period of official interculturalism (since the turn of the 20th century). This entry reviews the history of multicultural education and indigenismo policies in Mexico.

Implicit Multiculturalism? The Legacy of Postrevolutionary Indigenismo

In Mexico, the persistence of ethnically differentiated populations as such expresses the contradictory continuity of processes of colonization and resistance, whose origins date back to the beginnings of European expansion in the Americas. The colonial system of “castes” of Spaniards and Indians is not challenged by the new criollo (Mexicans of Spanish origin) elites who accessed political power in the course of the independence wars. It was not until the Mexican Revolution of 1910 that for the first time the colonial ethnic hierarchies are challenged. Under the influence of the Ateneo de la Juventud—a prerevolutionary group of urban intellectuals engaged in redefining the “national project”—the exclusive and Eurocentric criollo nationalism of the postcolonial elites is replaced by an integrationist nationalist discourse. This discourse is increasingly centered around the notion of mestizaje, according to which the emerging Mexican nation of the contemporary epoch will be the product of the merging of the precolonial indigenous with the colonial European and criollo element. The resulting mestizo, who until then had been perceived only as the illegitimate result of the forbidden border crossing between the castes, is not any longer seen as a “biological bastard,” but as a new “cosmic race” (Vasconcelos), the seed and symbol of the new, postrevolutionary nation.

Paradoxically, however, the success of the Mexican Revolution in practice implied the defeat of the indigenous communities and their claims. Indigenous actors had been participating in the revolution in order to restore control of their communal lands and resources, which had been lost during the “modernizing” and “liberalizing” reforms of the late-19th-century regimes. It is precisely in these indigenous regions where participation in the Mexican Revolution was highest. Local indigenous actors engaged in the armed struggle either to regain communal land or to obtain new land from former hacienda estates. The military defeat of the zapatistas—the southern Mexican indigenous communities who had struggled not only for recovering communal lands, but also for community-based, decentralized political organization of the state—also symbolizes the formal victory of the centralist, state-led model of agrarian and political reform over the community-based model.

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