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“Guyland” was first conceptualized by sociologist and feminist activist Michael S. Kimmel. In response to arguments that boys and men are economically and emotionally struggling, Kimmel argues that we are perhaps focusing our attention on the wrong groups. He argues that it is “guys” who deserve more attention. In an in-depth analysis of nationwide demographic trends, interviews with college students, and popular culture, Kimmel articulates some of the most pressing concerns for a specific group of almost-men and the effects on everyone else. This entry explains the conceptualization of “Guyland” as both a developmental stage and a social space in addition to its causes and consequences.

Guyland as Developmental Stage and Social Space

Young men today are doing things a bit differently than in the past. They are delaying the milestones of adulthood longer. What was once a relatively quick transitional moment in their lives is now a discrete life stage. Young men today are getting married, having children, committing to careers and relationships, and moving out of their parents' houses much later than previously. Rather than conceptualizing them as “adultolescents,” however, Kimmel argues that a primary feature of this developmental stage is gender inequality. Guys are initiated into Guyland at some point around high school, and most (but not all) exit sometime in their mid-20s. As a developmental stage, Guyland is characterized by a collective failure to launch for many young men. However, Guyland is not only about young men delaying marriage, jobs, and children. It is also chiefly concerned with what they are doing while they delay.

As a social space, the central features of Guyland all have to do with consumption rather than production: bars, drugs, video games, pornography, and sports. Kimmel argues that Guyland is a social space that both celebrates and supports delaying adulthood. It is a predominantly White college-aged social space—though its effects reach populations far removed—and is composed of a variety of practices and rituals that sustain violence and inequality: hazing, drinking, drugs, emotionally detached intimacy, and sexual harassment. Although it may be a stereotype of White collegiate fraternity culture, the norms, rituals, and expectations of Guyland police the behavior and identities of men far removed from the college environment.

Causes and Consequences of Guyland

Kimmel was predominantly concerned with the ways in which Guyland is perpetuated in college environments, though his understandings are potentially useful elsewhere as well. Guyland certainly harms women and reproduces gender inequality, but it is also detrimental for young men. Through psychological and physical abuse, Guyland is a world where injury is routine. This social space and life stage is taken for granted by three interlocking cultures. The “culture of entitlement” prompts boys and young men to expect to be rewarded with jobs, status, and women as a result of their gender. The “culture of silence” guarantees that the physical and emotional violence in Guyland is not discussed. The “culture of protection” ensures that people will remain quiet about the violence and inequality that occurs in Guyland. The culture of protection works in two ways: guys protect each other from the consequences of their collective behavior and leaders, and communities rally behind “their” guys. Guy-land is an excellent example of how privilege operates in often invisible ways and how systems of inequality are not only the result of individuals and groups, but also of the cultural environments in which they emerge.

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