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The structure and stability of U.S. families has changed dramatically during the past 60 years. At the midpoint of the 20th century, most U.S. children were born into marital unions, and about three quarters remained in nuclear families—familial units with two biological parents married to each other, full siblings only, and no other household members, through childhood and adolescence. Today, the family structure experiences of U.S. children are far more complex. Increases in nonmarital fertility, divorce, and cohabitation—combined with declines in marriage and remarriage—translate into more dynamic relationship histories for adults, and more complex living arrangements for their children.

These changes are dramatic, and they have generated a large, multidisciplinary literature that has both documented family change and explored the implications of those changes for children, including the issue of how change shapes children's educational and academic trajectories. At the heart of the research is the question of whether the basic functions of the family are compromised by changes to its structure and composition. In other words, do deviations from the “traditional” nuclear family cause children to do less well in school or drop out of school? And do children ultimately fail or succeed in making the transition to adulthood? This entry provides a general review of the literature that attempts to address this question.

The Family Structure of U.S. Children

According to the U.S. Bureau of the Census, in 2006 about 67.4% of children younger than 18 lived in two-parent families, 23.3% lived in single-mother families, 4.7% lived in single-father families, and about 4.6% of all children had neither parent in their home. As a point of comparison, in 1970 about 85% of children lived in two-parent families, 11% lived in single-mother families, 1% lived in single-father families, and 3% lived with neither parent. As dramatic as these changes are, these statistics obscure the heterogeneity within these categories. For instance, two-parent families include both two-biological-parent families and stepparent families. Similarly, single-mother and single-father families can also include a cohabiting partner (same- or opposite-sex), one not recognized by the current census definition of family.

Moreover, the living arrangements of U.S. children are far more dynamic than these static measures imply. From the perspective of a child, family structure can often include some combination of parental marriage, divorce, single parenthood, cohabitation, and remarriage. Estimates from a national survey of adolescences in 1995 indicate that about a third of the sample experienced the exit or entry of a parent or a parent's romantic partner at least one time, and many experience multiple transitions. All told, U.S. children are more likely to experience two or three parental partnerships by age 15 than are children in other Western nations.

Implications of Family Change

What does this fluidity mean for the educational lives of U.S. youth? Scholars such as Sara McLanahan and Gary Sandefur generally agree that, on average, children raised by two continuously married parents are better off than are children in other family forms, according to a host of school-related indicators. Other recent scholarship, discussed later, outlines general associations between family structure and stability and children's academic careers at key points in their academic trajectory.

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