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Alternative routes or pathways into teaching have been common in the history of teacher education in the United States. Except for a period in time (approximately 1960 to 1990) when colleges and universities had a virtual monopoly on the initial preparation of teachers, a variety of institutions such as high schools, normal schools, teachers' colleges, school districts, community colleges, states, nonprofit and for-profit companies, and regional education agencies have been responsible for the initial preparation of teachers. Despite this history of alternative pathways into teaching in the United States and the rapid growth of non-university-sponsored teacher education programs since the early 1980s, most teachers in the United States are still prepared in traditional 4-year or 5-year undergraduate college or university programs or in 1- or 2-year master's degree programs. In some parts of the United States—with higher shortages of teachers in certain geographical areas and certain subject areas—the majority of individuals enter the teaching force through nontraditional programs.

This entry describes what is known about the nature of the different pathways into teaching in the United States, their impact on providing high-quality teachers for all students—especially those who are currently underserved by the public schools—and their impact on attracting, preparing, and retaining a diverse teaching force more representative of the diversity in the student population. Following analysis of the issue in the United States, there is a brief discussion of alternative pathways into teaching from an international perspective.

Reemergence of Alternative Routes into Teaching in the 1980s

There are several reasons for the tremendous growth of nontraditional routes into teaching in the United States since the early 1980s. First, the reason most often cited for states permitting alternative teacher certification and for the growth of these programs is the need to fill perceived or real teaching vacancies in critical shortage areas such as special education, mathematics, and science, and shortages in hard-to-staff schools in urban and remote rural school districts. The rationale here has been that alternative pathways into teaching will attract teachers who would not otherwise consider teaching and that these teachers will be equipped to do a better job of teaching, and stay longer than the many emergency-licensed teachers who had been filling these teaching vacancies in critical shortage areas.

Another reason for the growth of alternative routes into teaching has been the desire to attract particular kinds of individuals into teaching regardless of their areas of specialization who it was felt would not otherwise enter the teaching force. These include efforts to attract, prepare, and retain more teachers of color so that the teaching force better reflects the racial and ethnic demographics of students in the public schools, and efforts to attract more men, midlife career changers, and in some areas of the country retired military personnel.

A third reason for the growth in alternative routes into teaching has been dissatisfaction with college and university programs for allegedly not supplying teachers who are willing to teach in the poverty-impacted schools that most need them and/or for the perceived low quality of the teachers they have produced. It has been argued that alternative routes will attract more academically capable teachers and teachers who are better prepared than those from traditional programs to go into hard-to-staff poverty-impacted schools, be successful, and stay there over time. Some of those who support alternative routes into teaching because of their dissatisfaction with the quality of work in traditional college and university programs have felt that alternative routes will serve as a catalyst for reforming college and university teacher education, and/or provide the opportunity for research to understand the effectiveness of different approaches to preparing teachers.

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