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Anderson, Elijah: Code of the Street

Elijah Anderson's Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City provides a vivid depiction of the social and cultural dynamics of living in poor, predominantly African American, inner-city American neighborhoods. This ethnographic work reveals the existence of an oppositional culture where most of the rules and norms of the culture go against those of mainstream culture. This oppositional culture is rooted in a social context of “concentrated disadvantage” (Wilson, 1987). These neighborhoods experience persistent poverty, are alienated from wider society, and are characterized by joblessness, drugs, interpersonal violence, and disrupted families. William Julius Wilson argues that compared with poverty prior to the 1980s, poverty today is greater in magnitude and far more concentrated.

Various historical and social forces, such as deindustrialization, segregation of the housing markets, and white flight, coalesced to create these increasingly isolated, predominantly black inner-city communities. Because of deindustrialization, many jobs vacated the cities, particularly those located in the nation's rust-belt cities. Individuals with the resources followed the jobs, leaving behind the poorest residents. Segregation of the housing markets and white flight only further contributed to these isolated communities consisting of predominantly African Americans. It is this isolation from mainstream society that has allowed the code of the street to prevail. Anderson illuminates how an oppositional culture has developed as an adaptation to the social context of concentrated disadvantage.

The Code of the Street

Anderson (1999) views inner-city culture as arising from the structural conditions in which residents are enmeshed. Inner-city culture, which Anderson labels “the code of the street,” is an adaptation to the structural deprivation of these neighborhoods. This code consists of a few key elements. First, the code rejects mainstream conventional culture; therefore it is typically considered an oppositional culture. It is composed of a set of informal rules that dictate interpersonal public behavior.

Second, the code places a premium on public displays of achieving respect. Anderson explains that for inner-city residents, “respect is viewed as an external entity, one that is hard-won but easily lost—and so must constantly be guarded” (p. 33). Third, and related to the importance of respect, the code promotes the use of violence in response to real or even perceived attacks. The campaign for respect and the use of violence are intertwined. Violence is frequently used to gain respect from others on the street—whether they be members of their peer group or potential transgressors. In an effort to deter interpersonal transgressions and to campaign for respect, individuals who adhere to the code feel as though they must respond with violence. While much of mainstream society views the true “nerve” as walking away from a confrontation, those who live by the code view the “nerve” as fighting back.

Many inner-city residents do not have educational or occupational pursuits in which to build self-worth and to gain respect. For these residents, one of the only avenues for gaining respect and a sense of self-worth is through their ability to command respect on the street. According to Anderson, this is often achieved through violence and by developing a “tough” reputation. The purpose is two-fold; it generates respect from others, which in turn provides self-protection. Self-protection is viewed as crucial for survival in high-crime neighborhoods not only because of the high crime but also because many residents lack confidence in the police to provide the necessary protection. Anderson explains that “The code of the street emerges where the influence of the police ends and personal responsibility for one's safety is felt to begin, resulting in a kind of ‘people's law’ based on ‘street justice’” (p. 10).

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