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Altruistic fear, according to Mark Warr (1992), is when someone fears that a person other than himself or herself will be the object of crime. Although social scientists have studied fear of crime for several decades, only recently have a few scholars distinguished between personal fear of crime and fear for others or made it a distinct object of analysis. Separating personal fear from fear for the safety and well-being of others is an important conceptual distinction that carries both methodological and policy implications. Distinguishing between the two types of fear of crime in surveys and interviews enhances our understanding of each phenomenon as well as of the possible interactions between the two. Studies focused on fear for others as a distinctive object of analysis are limited in number but are conceptually rigorous and methodologically varied, representing both quantitative and qualitative research designs. Taken together, they provide a rich understanding of the analytical and practical significance of altruistic fear.

Researchers have identified patterns related to altruistic fear, most notably variation by sex. Although both men and women express fear for others, the type and frequency of altruistic fear differ for men and women, as does the object of concern (e.g., spouses, children). Similarly, what one does in response to fear for others is also different for men and women. Studies trace these sex differences in altruistic fear to parallel gendered patterns in personal fear of crime as well as to gendered social roles and deeply structured divisions of caretaking. This research provides an organizational framework for the field that differentiates among the objects of fear of crime—spousal fear, parental fear, and general fear for others—and between the expression of fear for others and behavioral responses to that fear.

Spousal Fear

All studies on altruistic fear demonstrate that men tend to express specific fears for their wives or partners, or spousal fear. Consistent with prior research on gender-role socialization, Jocelyn Hollander found that men defined themselves and were defined by others as protectors in focused group discussions about vulnerability and fear of crime, while women were defined as being in need of protection. Men's fear for spouses is often linked to their perceptions of women's greater vulnerability to attack, especially sexual assault, which is consistent with women's personal fear of crime. Karen Snedker found that men expressed very specific fears, usually context-specific (e.g., using public transportation especially at night), for their wives or girlfriends. Further, Snedker found that married men with children were the most likely of all respondents to express fear for their spouses; this finding suggests that being a parent may make men more protective of their spouses.

Evidence for women's spousal fear is mixed. Two studies report that women expressed fear for their spouses (Madriz, 1997; Warr & Ellickson, 2000), although at a lower frequency than fear for their children. No women in two qualitative samples expressed fear for male partners (Hollander 2001; Snedker, 2006). Based on interviews and focus group data from Seattle, Hollander suggested women's lack of altruistic fear is related to the protector role: Her participants stated that women did not share the same responsibility for protecting others as men did and that women were ineffective in the protector role. The inconsistency in results raises questions about the extent of women's fear for adult men and spouses.

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