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In the popular imagination, public housing is associated with violent crime, drug trafficking, and disorder. This unsavory image is inspired principally by journalistic accounts rather than empirical research by social scientists. Although public housing has existed in the United States since the 1930s, relatively little criminological research exists on crime in public housing, especially with respect to how crime levels in these enclaves compare with levels in the surrounding neighborhoods and county or municipal jurisdiction (Fagan et al. 1998; Holzman 1996). Even where criminologists have documented problems with drugs and crime in public housing, the question has remained whether the public housing developments were generating the troublesome behavior or playing unwilling host to predators from the surrounding “bad neighborhood” (Dunworth and Saiger 1994).

The paucity of information on actual crime rates is due to the fact that the quantitative measurement of crime in public housing is exceedingly difficult (Dunworth and Saiger 1994; Fagan and Davies 2000). Measurement of crime levels is hampered by the fact that the vast majority of police departments do not keep official statistics for land parcels as small as public housing developments or even on neighborhoods. Rather, they report only on large geographic areas such as precincts and districts, as well as on the jurisdiction as a whole. Precise information on the rates of specific crimes in public housing developments is therefore seldom available.

The Public Housing Universe

In order to approach an empirically valid understanding of “crime in public housing,” it is helpful to take a brief look at the places, spaces, and people associated with this unique sociopolitical entity. Public housing is rental housing that is most often owned and managed by a city or county government agency, usually referred to as a public housing authority (PHA). A few state governments are also involved in the ownership of public housing. While the federal government routinely provides subsidies to many of the roughly 3,200 PHAs in the United States, it does not own public housing. Since public housing's official establishment in the Housing Act of 1937, local government has always had the responsibility for the providing the full gamut of municipal services to public housing residents, including police protection (Weisel 1990).

Places and Spaces

PHAs in the United States own a total of some 1.27 million units, which are home to roughly 2.43 million people (U.S. Departement of Housing and Urban Development [HUD] 2000b). These public service organizations vary with respect to the size of their property inventory from only a handful of rental units (apartments or small single-family homes) to literally tens of thousands dwelling spaces. PHAs with 1,250 or more units account for slightly less than 5 percent of the total universe, but they own 58 percent of all the units. Not surprisingly, these large PHAs tend to be located in older, core cities and usually oversee enclaves with hundreds (and occasionally even larger assemblages) of units. However, 87 percent of all PHAs own fewer than 500 units and almost half own fewer than 100 dwelling units. With many PHAs scattered across the rural communities and the small towns and cities of America, public housing is not and never was an intrinsically urban phenomenon.

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