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The prosecutor, also called the district attorney or prosecuting attorney, is often said to be the most powerful actor in the criminal justice system. The criminal trial lawyer for the government, the prosecutor represents the interests of the state and its citizens. Prosecutor is the generic term for the position some states call the state attorney and the federal system calls the U.S. attorney. In most state jurisdictions, prosecutors are elected; on the federal level, the president appoints the attorney general and U.S. attorneys for each district.

The prosecutor deals with the interests of crime victims, voters, criminal defense attorneys, judges, the police, the media, and even criminals. Prosecutors are highly visible and politically involved. Many people remember that Vincent Bugliosi prosecuted Charles Manson, and Robert F. Kennedy—brother of President John F. Kennedy and then U.S. attorney general—prosecuted labor leader Jimmy Hoffa. Today, nearly all can link the names Marcia Clark with O. J. Simpson, and Kenneth Starr with Bill Clinton. Another well-known prosecutor is former Manhattan district attorney Robert Morganthau, whose life and times are chronicled on the television series Law and Order. Known for his blunt acknowledgment of the power a prosecutor wields, Morganthau once said, “A prosecutor can get a grand jury to indict a ham sandwich.” Given the high profile and political power of prosecutors, it is not surprising that they are often criticized for overzealousness.

Concern about the prosecutor's power is not new. Prosecutorial discretion—that is, a prosecutor's decision whether to bring charges and, if so, the number and kind, or perhaps most important, to reduce charges or sentences through plea bargaining—has been the subject of controversy throughout much of the last century.

Organization and Role

The prosecution function is “radically decentralized” (McCoy 1998). In addition to city and municipal prosecutors, in almost all states each county elects a prosecutor. In most counties, this is a full-time job. In the largest counties—those in New York City, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Los Angeles, for example—an elected chief prosecutor may hire a staff numbering into the dozens or even hundreds, which performs the work of the office under the policies and procedures of the chief prosecutor, constrained only by very broad outlines of the criminal law. Because of this decentralization, over 25,000 people in the United States can legitimately call themselves prosecutor (Dawson 1992; Justice Management Division 1992).

Nearly a century ago, Raymond Moley (1929) noted that prosecutors sought to develop political connections through friendships with associates of accused persons while “building an apparent record of vigorous and successful prosecutions.” More recently, Douglas Koski (2001) analyzed data drawn from the 1994 prosecutorial election in one county. He found that the majority of individual contributions to the Democratic candidate for prosecuting attorney were made by members of the criminal defense bar—lawyers who represent criminal defendants. Apparently hedging their bets, many of these same lawyers also contributed to the Republican candidate; one lawyer brazenly made the largest single donation of all on the eve of the election. While this may not be a typical practice, it is true that being elected (and remaining in office once there) is a primary concern for any politician, and prosecutors are politicians.

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