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Policing, like other occupations, claims a mandate. Especially since the advent of “professional policing,” the school of thought and practice that combined applied science, radio communication, and rapid transportation to aid in crime control, the police have encouraged public dependence on them by soliciting demand for their services and by selectively adopting new technologies. Police administrators have welcomed each new innovation in information technology (IT), the means used to process matter viewed as significant to the organization, since the introduction of the telegraph and alarm systems in the late nineteenth century. The impact of early advances in IT (i.e., patrol cars, two-way radios, and the telephone) was profound, transforming the way police carried out their work, interacted with the public, and supervised officers (Manning 1992; Walker 1984).

The impact of more recent technological advances, however, is not as clear-cut. For the most part, recent advances in IT have outstripped the ability of police departments to keep up with them; the capacities of available information technology are considerable but are underused (Chan, 2001). Moreover, police have embedded new technologies into their traditional structure rather than changing their practices. As a result, current use of IT by police is characterized by experimentation and curiosity, coupled with unsystematic integration, planning and evaluation (Abt Associates 2000: 150–165).

History

IT innovation, seen in the context of traditional policing strategies or routines (e.g., heavy organizational investment in crime control, random patrol, and on-the-street decision making coupled with the investigation of founded crimes), can be examined in five stages: pre–World War II, post–World War II, the block grants stage, the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) experimental policy-driven stage, and the local innovations and Community Oriented Police Services (COPS) stage.

Pre–World War II

Undoubtedly, the technological advances with the most profound effect on policing were those that occurred in the early twentieth century. The patrol car, in widespread use by the 1920s, changed the mode of policing from foot patrols to motor patrols, thereby reducing face-to-face contact between police and the citizenry. The telephone, in conjunction with the two-way radio, made police available to the public twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week. Once only able to seek out police officers who were walking beats in their neighborhoods, citizens were now able to mobilize police by simply placing a telephone call. The two-way radio not only allowed departments to dispatch officers in response to citizen calls for service but also revolutionized police supervision by providing a means of continuous contact with officers.

Each technological innovation was welcomed as a “breakthrough” in scientific policing and seized upon as a managerial tool enabling enhanced coordination and discipline of patrol officers. These early innovations in the 1920s and 1930s also gave a precise content to the “crime fighting,” “scientific,” and “professional” imagery sought by police reformers such as August Vollmer, Bruce Smith, and O.W. Wilson (Stead 1977). The data-gathering and dissemination capacity of the police was stimulated during this time by the reform efforts of the Wickersham Commission and the efforts of the FBI to create a body of national crime statistics.

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