Skip to main content icon/video/no-internet

The Italian Mafia has been regarded as the prototype of organized crime in the United States since the days of Prohibition. In its native country, however, there has never been such a consensus, and many different phenomena have been labeled as a “mafia” ever since the term became popular immediately following Italy's unification in 1861. In the late nineteenth century, some members of the Sicilian political and cultural elites even tried to rehabilitate the term. The Mafia was defined as “the awareness of one's own being, an exaggerated concept of individual strength,” and a mafioso was presented as “a courageous and skilful man, who does not bear a fly on his nose” (Pitrè [1889] 1993: 292). Until the early 1980s, the predominant view in the scientific debate considered the Mafia a cultural attitude and a form of power, denying it a corporate dimension. According to supporters of this approach, there were mafiosi, that is, individuals who behaved according to specific subcultural codes, but the Mafia—as a formal organization—did not exist (Hess [1970] 1973; Blok [1974] 1988; Schneider and Schneider 1976; Arlacchi [1983, 1986] 1988; Catanzaro [1988] 1992).

The judicial investigations conducted in the last two decades of the twentieth century, however, left no doubt about the existence of formalized and lasting Mafia groups in southern Italy. The Sicilian Cosa Nostra and the Calabrian ‘Ndrangheta are the largest and most stable Mafia coalitions. Each is composed of about a hundred groups, or “families,” as the adherents call them.

The Core of the Mafia Phenomenon: The Sicilian Cosa Nostra and the Calabria ‘Ndrangheta

At the turn of the twenty-first century, there are more than 500 witnesses who can confirm the existence of either the Cosa Nostra or the ‘Ndrangheta, because they themselves were members. Thanks to their statements, it also is clear that the two Mafia consortia possess the distinguishing trait of the organization (Weber [1922] 1978: 48): independent government bodies that regulate the internal life of each associated family and that clearly are different from the authority structure of their members' biological families. Moreover, starting from the 1950s, superordinate bodies of coordination were set up—first in the Cosa Nostra, then in the ‘Ndrangheta as well. Composed of the most important family chiefs, they are known as “commissions.” Although the powers of these collegial bodies are rather limited, the unity of the two confederations cannot be doubted. In fact, it is guaranteed by the sharing of common cultural codes and a single organizational formula. According to a model very frequent in premodern societies, in fact, the Cosa Nostra and the ‘Ndrangheta are segmentary societies; that is, their collective identity derives from the replication of homologous corporate and cultural forms.

Neither the Cosa Nostra nor the ‘Ndrangheta can be fully understood as a form of Weber's ideal type of legal-rational bureaucracy, as was suggested by Donald Cressey (1969) with reference to the American La Cosa Nostra. Far from recruiting their staff and organizing the latter's work according to the criteria and procedures of modern bureaucracies, Mafia groups impose a veritable “status contract” on their members (Weber [1922] 1978: 672). With the ritual initiation into a Mafia brotherhood, the novice is required to assume a new identity permanently—to become a “man of honor”—and to subordinate all his previous allegiances to the Mafia membership. If necessary, he must be ready to sacrifice even his life for the Mafia family.

...

  • Loading...
locked icon

Sign in to access this content

Get a 30 day FREE TRIAL

  • Watch videos from a variety of sources bringing classroom topics to life
  • Read modern, diverse business cases
  • Explore hundreds of books and reference titles

Sage Recommends

We found other relevant content for you on other Sage platforms.

Loading