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Since the 1970s, theories of crime and punishment have blossomed in their diversity. Not only has the study of crime and punishment broadened throughout the behavioral and social sciences, but also criminologists have increasingly adopted perspectives that are no longer grounded in classical versus positivist views of human nature and social interaction. In the world of post-structuralism, post-Marxism, postaffirmative action, and post-feminism, criminologists from a variety of schools of thought, including the critical, constitutive, positivist, and integrative, have come to appreciate the numerous limitations of simple or “non-integrative” theories. In short, the traditional, one-dimensional models of crime that have tended to divide human beings and society into biological, cultural, psychological, or sociological entities are partially correct at best. At worst, these analyses ignore more factors than they consider.

In response to the limited range and application of most non-integrative theories, more criminologists, theorists and non-theorists alike, are embracing integrative and interdisciplinary frameworks for examining their field. Integrative theories, like theories in general, have become diversified in kind and approach. What makes these theories especially appealing is the diversity of models, which allows for a creative plurality of knowledge-based frameworks. Some integrative theories focus on criminal behavior and criminal activity; others focus on punishment and crime control; still others focus on crime, justice, and social control. Some are formalistic and consist of propositional statements derived from two or more theories, usually within the same discipline. Others are less formalistic and focus on conceptualizing the reciprocal or interactive relations between various levels of human motivation, social organization, and structural relationships. Integrative theories cover a wide range of interdisciplinary knowledge and methods of interpretation.

Ways of Seeing Integration

Most criminologists agree that integration involves synthesizing the relations and fragments of other models and theories into formulations that are more comprehensive than the traditional explanations of crime and crime control. Actual approaches to integration, however, vary significantly in both theory and practice. As a consequence, the development of integrative theories and practices has, thus far, “proceeded in a somewhat anomic fashion with no [one] viable framework for synthetic work” having emerged (Tittle 1995: 115). Nevertheless, much of the impetus for integration, at least early on, was grounded in the disciplines of psychology, sociology, and occasionally social psychology.

The criminological literature on theoretical integration reveals a strong reliance on learning and control theories and a weaker reliance on strain theory, followed closely by subcultural, conflict, and Marxist theories. These sociological biases have traditionally marginalized theories deriving from studies of biology, evolution, history, gender, communication, economics, and law. In contrast to the more sociologically and psychologically based positivist and modern stances toward integration are the eclectically based constructivist and postmodern stances.

Both modernist and postmodernist approaches can be broken down further into a variety of explanations of crime and punishment. Moreover, integrative theories may be specific or general. Whereas the specific integrated theories have focused on a single form of criminality, such as rape or battering, the general integrated theories have attempted to make sense out of a broad range of harmful activities, including interpersonal, organizational, and structural forms. Some theorists have confined themselves to criminality, while others have focused more broadly on deviance and nonconformity. Finally, modernist forms of integration emphasize the centrality of theory both in scientific endeavors and in the construction of causal models for predicting transgression. Postmodernist forms of integration emphasize the ever-changing voices of plurality that provide meaning for the local sites of crime, justice, law, and community. These integrations are derived from harmful personal and social relationships (Barak 1998; Henry and Milovanovic 1996).

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