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Planners, architects, and criminologists are collaborating to prevent crime though the appropriate design of neighborhoods and buildings. The built environment often inadvertently offers opportunities for criminal behavior. Many of these opportunities can be “designed out.”

The rational choice perspective on crime treats the criminal as a rational being who chooses whether to commit a crime. Economists were major contributors to the development of this concept. Behavior is assumed to be rational, and choices are made based on an individual's perception of opportunities, costs, and benefits. Factors encouraging criminal activity include the ease of carrying out the crime, the chances of detection, the presence of an escape route, and the absence of witnesses. The rational offender perspective states that crimes are most likely to occur when a potential offender, faced with a crime target, believes that the chances of detection, identification, and apprehension are low.

Situational crime prevention focuses on removing or minimizing the opportunities available for crime. The environment, rather than the criminal, is the focus of attention. Situational crime prevention is defined by Clarke as comprising “opportunity reducing measures that (1) are directed at highly specific forms of crime, (2) involve the management, design or manipulation of the immediate environment in as systematic and permanent way as possible, (3) make crime more difficult and risky, or less rewarding and excusable” (Clarke 1997: 4). The aim of crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED) programs is to reduce both crime and the fear of crime.

Origins

In response to the shortage of housing following World War II, many housing projects were erected in the United States and Europe. Architect Le Corbusier's (1887–1965) “Radiant City” concept of towers surrounded by park land was a source of inspiration for many of the designs. Unfortunately, the tower blocks proved to be utterly unsuitable for housing families, particularly poor families. Many buildings rapidly degenerated under an onslaught of vandalism, garbage, and crime. Hundreds of these tower blocks have since been torn down, including one of the most infamous complexes, the Pruitt-Igoe housing project in St. Louis, which was demolished a decade after construction.

To make room for these tower blocks, decaying urban neighborhoods had frequently been razed. The old neighborhoods, though physically decaying, had contained vibrant communities and businesses that were destroyed by slum clearance. While many of the inhabitants moved to the new apartments, the communities rarely survived. Although the apartment interiors were usually superior to the inhabitants' previous accommodations, the communal areas deteriorated disastrously, becoming dangerous and unattractive and earning the label of “vertical slums.”

In 1961, Jane Jacobs, a writer with no formal experience in planning, published a book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, based on her experiences of living in New York's Greenwich Village. This work contained no empirical research, yet it became one of the most influential books on city planning of the century. Jacobs condemned the urban renewal megaprojects popular during the postwar period. She advocated mixed-use urban neighborhoods, arguing that many eyes watching the street deterred criminal activity.

A decade later, Oscar Newman published his theory of “defensible space.” Newman is an architect who specializes in designing and redesigning low-income housing with the aim of reducing criminal and antisocial activities. His concept of defensible space was first published in 1971 and amended in later works. Defensible space “is about the reassignment of areas and of responsibilities—the demarcation of new spheres of influence” (Newman 1996: 3). Instead of being communal, spaces should be clearly demarcated as belonging to an individual dwelling, thus encouraging territorial behavior. Intruders would be less likely to enter the space, and if they did enter, they would be noticed and challenged. Small buildings with a minimum of shared areas and shared entry points are considered by Newman to be more defensible than large anonymous blocks. Newman advocates the use of design to maximize the natural surveillance of public and semipublic areas by residents. Outdoor space, such as gardens and entryways, should be overlooked by windows, and not hidden from the view of passing pedestrians and motorists.

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