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Arrest Clearance
The most widely used definition of arrest clearance is provided by the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), which states that a law enforcement agency clears (solves) a particular offense when “at least one person is arrested, charged with the commission of an offense, and turned over to the court for prosecution” (FBI 2000: 201). Alaw enforcement agency can also exceptionally clear an offense, which means that there are elements beyond its control that prevent the placing of formal charges. In this instance, the agency must have identified and located the offender and possess enough evidence to effect an arrest, but for one reason or another be unable to do so (e.g., the offender has died or is in a different jurisdiction and cannot be extradited). The arrest clearances reported by the FBI refer to offenders over eighteen. However, if a minor is cited to appear in juvenile court, the event is treated as a clearance by the UCR even though juveniles are “detained” rather than arrested.
The number of arrest clearances refers to the number of offenses for which an arrest is made, not the number of offenders arrested; the arrest of one individual may clear a large number of crimes, and the arrest of many persons may clear only one offense. Arrest clearances are measured as a percentage in which the number of offenses cleared by arrest is divided by the number of offenses in a year, with the resulting proportion multiplied by 100. These annual percentages, referred to as clearance rates, are used to measure individual and departmental performance.
Arrest clearances are important for several reasons. First, the criminal justice process begins with the arrest of an offender; without an arrest, there is neither further processing of offenders nor a reduction of crime. Second, if offenders are not arrested, they are free to offend again, which increases the risk of victimization. Third, the failure to arrest further traumatizes the victim and contributes to an increase in the fear of violent victimization. Fourth, because clearances are a performance measure, failure to arrest undermines the morale of law enforcement personnel. Finally, when there are no arrests, there is no information on offenders, and criminologists and other researchers may reach biased conclusions if data are missing (Riedel and Jarvis 1999).
The Decline of arrest
Figure 1 shows the clearance rates for four violent crimes from 1965 to 1999. During that time, murder clearances declined from 90.5 percent to 69.1 percent, aggravated assault clearances declined from 64 percent to 48.8 percent, and rape clearances declined from 54.9 percent to 42.3 percent; robbery clearances showed the smallest decline, from 28.8 percent to 23 percent. Another way of looking at the data is that of the 12,266 murders committed in 1999, 5,068 (30.9 percent) went unsolved. Similarly, 51.2 percent of aggravated assaults (383,039 events), 57.7 percent of rapes (42,028 events) and 77 percent of robberies (250,676 events) did not result in the arrest of an offender.
Three qualifications are in order. First, the observation that clearance rates for aggravated assault, rape, and robbery declined less than that of murder likely reflects only the fact that very nearly all murders are reported, while assaults, rapes, and robberies are underreported. If an offense is not reported, it cannot enter into any clearance percentage calculations. Murder, in other words, is more reliably reported than any other offense (Riedel 1999). Second, Figure 1 shows an increase in the percentage of murders cleared beginning in 1996; but since percentages can increase either because of a rise in the numerator (here, offenses cleared) or a decline in the denominator (offenses reported), the upturn in the clearance rate may be the result of a decline in the number of homicides rather than an increase in the number of clearances (Riedel 2001). Finally, the picture could be worse. For example, by 1999, murders had reached a low of 12,266; a comparison between 1965 and 1994, however, when murders numbered 21,331, reveals a clearance rate of 64.4 percent rather than 69.1 percent.
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- Women and Crime in a Global Perspective
- Concepts and Theories
- Attachment Theory
- Biocriminology
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- Cartographic School of Criminology
- Control Theories
- Crime as Pathology
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- Strain Theory
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- Research Methods and Information
- Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics
- Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring (ADAM) Program
- Crime Classification Systems
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- Criminal Justice
- Criminology
- Ethnography of Crime and Punishment
- Information Systems
- National Crime Victimization Survey
- Self-Report Surveys
- Social Psychology
- Statistical Methods and Models
- Uniform Crime Reports
- Organizations and Institutions
- Alcatraz
- Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms
- Appendix 3: Professional and Scholarly Associations
- Attica
- Auburn State Prison
- Devil's Island
- Eastern State Penitentiary
- Elmira Reformatory
- Federal Bureau of Investigation
- International Criminal Court
- Italian Mafia
- Joliet Correctional Center
- KGB
- Leavenworth Federal Penitentiary
- Royal Canadian Mounted Police
- San Quentin
- Sing Sing
- Tucker State Farm
- United States Supreme Court
- Special Populations
- American Indians and Alaska Natives
- Animals in Criminal Justice
- Child Homicide
- Child Maltreatment
- Child Neglect
- Child Physical Abuse
- Child Sexual Abuse
- Child Witness
- Ethnicity and Race
- Homeless Men and Crime
- Homeless Women and Crime
- Infanticide
- Juvenile Court
- Juvenile Crime and War
- Juvenile Justice
- Juvenile Offenders in Adult Courts
- Juvenile Victimization and Offending
- Mentally Ill Offenders
- Military Justice
- Militias
- Missing Children
- Online Victimization of Youth
- Prisoners, Elderly
- School Violence
- Street Youth
- Student Threats
- Women and Crime in a Global Perspective
- Women and Policing
- Women as Offenders
- Women as Victims
- Women in Prison
- Women Who Kill
- Youth, At-Risk
- Youthful Offender
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