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The term environmental racism refers to the likelihood of environmental devastation occurring predominantly in communities where poor and minority populations tend to reside. Once the dumping begins, whether from municipal dumps, hazardous waste facilities, or a variety of other industrial sites, the problems are often exacerbated. Fly-dumping (secretive, illegal dumping into vacant lots), considered acceptable by some because the neighborhood is already in a perceived state of disrepair, escalates as others increasingly view the neighborhood as blighted.

People who are poor are often unable to control their economy because of a lack of resources such as education and legal access. For example, Altgeld Gardens, a black ghetto on the South Side of Chicago referred to as a “minefield of toxic hazards,” has a disproportionate number of Chicago's toxic facilities as well as one of the highest cancer rates in the United States. The dilapidated housing project was built on top of a former landfill, with problems such as approximately 70 percent of residents experiencing respiratory infection intensified by literally tons of pollutants from a nearby sludge plant, steel mill, paint company, a huge incinerator, and an 80-foot-high landfill. Similarly, in Chester, Pennsylvania, whose population is approximately 70 percent African American, five of seven countywide waste facility permits are granted. Chester and Altgeld Gardens became dumping targets, not specifically because the communities were predominantly African American but rather because community members have neither the financial means nor the political know-how to stop companies from siting facilities there.

History

Environmental racism, the foisting of a disproportionate amount of pollutants on minority and low-income communities, represents a great injustice: having to choose between health and claims of economic stability amid acceptance of hazardous pollutants. Exposure to pollution in the 20th century not only included placing waste sites in minority communities but also involved hiring members of those communities to handle wastes. The Memphis Public Works Department, for example, hired hundreds of African American men to pick up the city's garbage under dangerous conditions that prompted the workers to strike in 1968. By the 1980s, communities in several urban and rural areas actively resisted and began researching the racial dimensions of waste handling. In an effort to stem the tide of environmental discrimination, grassroots organizations sprang up across the nation, attempting to fight for the right to live healthily.

In an attempt to move from purely anecdotal case studies to empirical evidence, several studies have been conducted. In the first such attempt, Dr. Robert Bullard examined population data of Houston, Texas, among communities hosting landfills and incinerators, finding that while African Americans made up only 28 percent of the city's population, three-quarters of incinerators and over 88 percent of landfills were located in predominantly African American neighborhoods. Following this study, in 1991, the General Accounting Office (GAO) conducted a study of the racial demographics of hazardous waste sites, reporting that three-quarters of commercial hazardous landfills in the southeast United States were located in predominantly African American communities. In 1995, the United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice found that within zip codes housing one waste plant, the minority population was double that of zip codes with no waste plant. Within zip codes housing more than one waste plant, the percentage of minority residents was three times greater than that of communities with no waste facilities.

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