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The notion of self-reflexivity is a relatively prominent one in contemporary social science (and especially sociological) debate, not least because a self-reflexive or self-conscious attitude and disposition toward everyday life is posited by a number of theorists to be a defining characteristic of the late-modern condition. As Ulrich Beck, Anthony Giddens, and Scott Lash explain it, “the more societies are modernized, the more agents (subjects) acquire the ability to reflect on the social conditions of their existence and to change them accordingly” (1994, 174). Thus, it is widely posited that in contemporary life-worlds, agents are positioned with increasing capacities to reflect on and take up a knowing, critical, and even playful stance toward a range of issues, including those relating to identity, intimacy, the body, health, and consumption; indeed, agents may even do so in relation to previously thoroughly naturalized and apparently rigid categories of difference and differentiation, including those relating to class and gender. Roy Boyne, for example, has commented that “structural contexts such as class, ethnicity, gender, age, medical status, are now routinely and reflexively incorporated into conceptions of self-identity” (2002, 119). Class cultures, for example, are now marked by reflexive attitudes: “rueful, ironic, envious, reflectively proud” (119). As this quote from Boyne implies, increased capacities toward reflexivity in late modernity relate to shifts in the relationship between structure and agency and to a reconfiguration of the social field. More particularly, increases in reflexive capacities relate to a decline in the significance of sociostructural forms of determination or, as it is sometimes termed, to a de-traditionalization of the social field. According to Scott Lash, the decline in the powers of social structure, as well as those of authority and tradition, allows for a progressive freeing or unleashing of agency from structure; that is, it provides the conditions that enable critical reflection on prevailing social arrangements, conventions, norms, and expectations.

Self-Reflexivity in Consumer Culture

These tendencies toward self-reflexivity have been noted to be particularly marked in regard to consumer culture. Mike Featherstone, for example, has noted how contemporary consumer culture is connected to an intensification of reflexivity, not least because of the aesthetic stance required for and demanded by (much) contemporary consumption. More specifically, Featherstone outlines how the development of mass consumption has encouraged a widespread adoption of particular techniques of the self aimed at cultivating an aesthetic stance in relation to consumption, an adoption that he links to the broad-scale process of the aestheticization of everyday life, visible in the stylization of virtually every aspect of life, including clothes, the body, leisure, eating, and even sexual preferences. What is significant about the cultivation of an aesthetic stance is that the latter involves a controlled decontrol of emotions, senses, and tastes—that is, the fostering of “sensibilities which allow us to enjoy the swing between the extremes of aesthetic involvement and detachment” (1992, 285). Put differently, the fostering of such a stance enables the enjoyment of the pleasures of immersion and of detached distanciation. What is significant regarding the controlled decontrol required for the appropriation of an aesthetic stance, and especially the emotional distancing involved in such a stance, is therefore that it introduces possibilities for reflection, that is, for reflexivity. In short, the appropriation of an aesthetic stance in regard to consumption necessarily involves increased capacities for reflexivity.

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