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Classical sociologists such as Emile Durkheim and Georg Simmel recognized individualization as a feature of Western modernity together with functional differentiation and rationalization. Drawing on their work, individualization is defined as the social surfacing of the individual as a unique intersection of social roles, responsibility, and functions as well as the cultural accentuation of the individual as an independent, separated, and original being. Through the workings of functional differentiation, each social actor comes to occupy a fairly unique social position in the complex web of interdependencies that makes up the social space, while rationalization of the self in the form of reflexive self-monitoring allows for integrative effects. Individuality thus acquires a particular moral value: the individual human being as an autonomous self is thus, Durkheim suggested, the God of the apparently secular culture of modernity. Individualization is an ambivalent phenomenon, clarified Simmel; individuals are not simply free to constitute themselves, they are required to do so. According to Foucault, psychologizing becomes the norm as to lay explanations of human behavior, while self-control takes the place of external control in the ordinary government of human subjectivity.

The theme of individualization has recently been taken up again by sociologists such as Ulrich Beck and Anthony Giddens to put forward a theory of second or late modernity. Following the classics, Beck considers that individual behavior has become less bound by traditional norms and class-based collective identity and argues that one's life is increasingly a reflexive self-programmed project. Thus, in contrast to traditional societies where social norms emanated from the collectivity, in modern societies, “individuals must, in part, supply [norms] for themselves, import them into their biographies through their own actions” (Beck and Gernsheim 2002, 2). Beck contends that although individualization came about at the beginnings of the Industrial Revolution, this was largely confined to middle- and upper-class males whereas in second modernity—largely coinciding with the postindustrial economy and the postmodern culture emerging since the 1960s—individualization has extended to other social strata. Furthermore, first modernity entailed both disembedding and re-embedding (actors were disentangled from traditional structures such as hierarchical structures based on privilege or lineage and re-embedded into new, fairly stable structures such as bureaucracies and family); however, second modernity works through a general process of disembedding without re-embedding. At the macrolevel, this entails a social and cultural shift that happens not through the breaking of the fundamental structures of modernity but through their radicalization; at the microlevel, this entails emphasis on individual choice and identity. At both levels, consumption acquires relevance.

Reflexive Individualization

Participation in the market as consumers is crucial for the accomplishment of individual identity in the age of what not only Beck but also Giddens and Zygmunt Bauman have called reflexive individualization. Much emphasis has thus been placed on purposive individual stylization of oneself through consumer choices. In this perspective, in a situation of cultural declassification and increasing emphasis on individuality, the self becomes a reflexive and secular project, which works on an ever-refined level of body presentation. This involves unremitting self-monitoring, self-scrutiny, planning, and ordering of elements and choices into a coherent narrative of identity. If for liberalism, choice is just freedom, for these theories, choice is somehow compulsory: we are forced into it not so much by the drive of the capitalist economy but by the absence of a stable social and cultural order in a post-traditional society. Consumer choice is not only central, but also it is obligatory. We have “no choice, but to choose,” writes Giddens (1991, 81). For Beck (1992, 131), “Liberalism presupposed a coherent identity, yet identity seems to be precisely the main problem of modern existence and is itself something to be chosen;” the self is thus “a project which is directed to us by a pluralized world and must be pursued within that pluralized world.” Of course, together with choice comes self-responsibility for the chosen self, and risk-perception changes accordingly: now risks are in the region of anomie, linked to the incapacity to perform convincingly a positively valued self through one's own choices. As Giddens observes (1991, 80), late modernity confronts the individual with a complex diversity of choices that is “non-foundational,” produces anxiety, and offers “little help as to which options should be selected.” The solution to such risk and anxiety to be found in consumer culture is, for Bauman (1992, 200), “technical”: it solves the problem of the durable and coherent self in the face of incessant nonfoundational complexity by treating all problems as solvable through specific commodities. Each of them may be highly functional for a precise task, but they still have to be arranged in a coherent, credible whole. Lifestyle, as a reflexive attempt at consumer coherence, can be seen as a way in which the pluralism of post-traditional identity is managed by individuals and organized (or exploited) by commerce.

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