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Long before objects were bought and sold, they were given, circulated, and venerated. The intensely meaningful, demanding, and ambivalent nature of gift exchange has long been recognized. In giving a gift, it seems, we give a part of ourselves; something of our emotions, hopes, and fears is embodied or carried along in the giving of a gift. Further, the acceptance of a gift, a remarkably formal process even today, somehow indebts and obligates the receiver, binding him or her to reciprocate. Where giver and receiver are of similar standing or are relatively equal in power, gifts are received with polite words of thanks, while the giver will often “downplay” the act of giving with words like “It isn't much but.…” Where power relations are deeply unequal, gifts are often given anonymously, as in charitable acts, so that the giving does not humble or obligate the receiver. In mythology, the generous giver is sometimes masked, hooded, or exceptionally elusive so as not to confront the receiver with obligations. For example, Robin Hood is an aristocrat who appears poor and so may give to the poor as their equal, while the figure of St. Nicholas/Santa Claus “gives” without actually giving, or even existing, and allows families to give generously but indirectly through an enchanted medium. The children who hope to receive presents from Santa Claus are obligated only by a vague, yet significant, request to “be good” in a small reciprocation of Santa's goodness.

Complexity of Gift Exchange

However, the force of reciprocity in gift giving is certainly not confined to mythical tales or what might be thought of as “sentimental” occasions, such as holidays and birthdays. The notion of give and take and the “special” relationships this can generate are central to the understanding of power, and of political and military alliances. In the field of new reproductive technologies, we speak of the giving or donation of sperm and eggs; but where the individuals, biotechnology companies, or nation-states concerned seem to be acting solely in economic terms, their activities are widely condemned and sometimes judged illegal. In the realms of everyday leisure and entertainment, the force of giving, sharing, and reciprocating is vitally important. What is given often cannot be measured, certainly not by the abstract system of money: when a friend cooks a meal for you, the “value” of this act cannot be calculated in terms of cost of ingredients, cost of heating and lighting, and cost of labor devoted to the production of the meal. In reciprocation, you may cook a meal for your friend, but you might do any number of other things, such as listen to their troubles or forgive them for their perceived role in a preceding event: persons, objects, and feelings seem to merge or travel together in gift exchange. The complexity and ambivalence of these reciprocal relations seem to persist even in the most high-tech forms of virtual social networking where photos, videos, and stories are exchanged with an expectation of reciprocation, though the sanctions protecting this expectation are largely eliminated by the distance afforded by the technological medium. To what extent new technologies might curtail, transform, or even enhance moral relations of reciprocity is a hotly contested issue that will motivate further research in the humanities and social sciences.

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