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The European Union has become the foremost transnational organization in terms of binding rights and shared obligations. Starting with the European Community of Coal and Steel in 1952 as a means of preventing France and Germany from ever going to a war with each other again, and the Roman Treaty of 1958 with six founding states, it eventually expanded to include twenty-seven member states. And its expansion is not over. A remarkable set of rights has been consigned to the community along this development. The European Union is much more than a coordinator of the actions of its member states; it is an actor in its own right. Its powers are greatest in the economic sphere as it can enforce the working of the Single European Market. The continuing dismantling of all sorts of trade barriers has significant impact on the development of European consumption and culture. In addition, the European Union has accrued power in other consumption relevant policy fields, for instance, in consumer protection and, to lesser extent, in culture and tourism.

This entry discusses the direct relevance of the European Union and the European Union as a geographic-societal configuration for consumer culture. First, though, it considers the European approximation to mass consumption. This entry is confined to behavioral patterns of leisure and consumption. Aspects like consumption as an attempt to create a meaningful life or the aestheticization and branding of commodities are discussed elsewhere in this encyclopedia. Consumption and leisure patterns differ in many respects between women and men, between age groups, and between classes and status groups. These differences are also covered in other entries of this encyclopedia.

Europeanization and Americanization

The global emergence of consumer culture is often premised on Americanization. Yet Europe has its own distinctive, even if somewhat belated, patterns and processes related to consumption. It was not until the late 1950s that consumption became widespread among the general population in Europe. Critique of destructive effects of consumer capitalism had started long before World War II, however. Often, the United States served as a proxy of admiration and contempt. While conservatives complained that European ways of life would be swamped by American culture, the political left feared consumerism as a distraction to class consciousness. Later, German intellectuals—for instance, of the Frankfurt School—who had fled Hitler warmly welcomed the safety granted by their American host country but nevertheless warned of totalitarian aspects of the American mass consumption and culture. In the 1960s, French structuralists like Pierre Bourdieu or Jean Baudrillard emphasized the emptiness consumption is predicated on and its dubious role in the constructing or articulating of identity. In the British context, there was a debate on the intensification of moral regulation and the commercialization of working-class leisure.

This rough sketch of the theorizing about consumption only serves to illustrate that critique of mass consumption used to be a more regular feature of the European than the American intellectual debate. This time-honored transatlantic difference has been replaced by a common focus on the history of consumption. Hartmut Kaelble, for instance, makes the case that European consumption patterns are still distinctive. He mentions a certain European style of goods, European preferences for longer holidays, or a larger amount spent for food and clothes as examples of these peculiarities. Consumer icons like the automobile had been invented in Europe, and the standardization of consumer products, department stores, fast-food restaurants, or packaged foods had been developed equally in Europe and North America. Two world wars derailed Europe on its way to becoming a consumer society earlier, however.

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