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There are many ways to define the Enlightenment, and identifying a distinct set of characteristically Enlightenment ideas is notoriously difficult. Though dispute exists over the boundaries of what might properly claim inclusion in the Enlightenment, its core identity is relatively uncontested. The Enlightenment was a movement devoted to rational meliorism. It was committed to the notion that collective application of reason could improve the conditions of life. Distinctive styles of consumption and debate on consumption formed an important part of that movement.

The histories of consumption and the Enlightenment intersect in two domains. New sites of consumption, in particular the coffeehouse and the salon, as well as new objects of consumption, such as journals and newspapers, offered the material ground for the Enlightenment as a social movement. Consumption was also the object of sustained intellectual attention. The ubiquity of consumption in the late-seventeenth and early-eighteenth centuries provoked the luxury debate. Consumption was one of the central pillars around which political economists and social theorists constructed their account of the new commercial civilization they saw being built around them. The two threads, material and intellectual, came together at the end of the eighteenth century. The ubiquity of new kinds of objects—colonial consumption goods, such as sugar, as well as capital goods, such as the machines so lovingly described and illustrated in the supplementary volumes of the Encyclopédie—created a new idea of “the improvement of humanity.” Everyday life could be transformed, it was argued, not through moral and political reform alone, but through the dissemination and use of things. This technological ideal was not universally endorsed. “The system of the moderns” was condemned in principle by Rousseau and for its reliance on slavery and exploitation in the Histoire des Deux-Indes, Diderot and Raynal's best-selling critique of the commercial empires that sustained commercial society and “polished manners.” By the late-eighteenth century, the debate on consumption formed one element of the wider cultural crisis of European states that foreshadowed the French Revolution.

Sites of Consumption

The Enlightenment started in London and Amsterdam in the middle of the seventeenth century, but it quickly became a trans-European and then trans-Atlantic phenomenon. The coherence of the world of the Enlightenment was maintained and sustained by the circulation and consumption of print. The spread of the Enlightenment can be traced against the dissemination of print media. In England, about 6,000 book titles were published in the 1620s; by the 1710s, that number had climbed to around 21,000; and by the close of the century, it had reached over 56,000. Across Europe, the scale of the market for books was transformed and so was its nature. Whole new genres of “enlightened” literature appeared. Between 1715 and 1789, 2,525 new titles in political economy, the archetypical enlightened genre, were published in Paris alone. A new kind of reading public was fashioned from the consumption of books. Religious literature still poured from the presses in the eighteenth century but it was swamped by the new genres such as novels, encyclopedias, natural history compendia, and works on economic reform, not to mention philosophy. According to Roger Chartier, half of all books published in Paris in the late-seventeenth century were religious in content; by the 1720s, that had reduced to a third, to a quarter in the 1750s, and one-tenth by 1790. The world of the Enlightenment mapped most closely onto the circulation and consumption of its most characteristic book: the Encyclopédie. Edited by Diderot and d'Alembert, it was originally published by a syndicate around André-François Le Breton in seventeen volumes of text and eleven volumes of plate from 1751 to 1772. The first edition was a successful business venture, realizing as much as 2,500,000 livres in profit, and the later octavo editions turned it into a huge cultural phenomenon as well. By 1789, as many as 24,000 copies of this work were in circulation (Darnton 1979). One easy way to identify the membership of the late Enlightenment is through the subscriptions to the various editions of this work.

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