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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, data-driven marketing is ubiquitous and shaping business practice in a growing number of markets. The decreasing cost of information technology, datastorage systems, and data analytical services permits seamless and systematic consumer surveillance as well as increasingly sophisticated production of consumer representations. By capturing consumer activities in a ubiquitous fashion and in minute detail, databases become repositories of complex consumer lives by turning behavior into abstract aggregates of individualized and individualizing data points. Once consumption has been dematerialized and made available as coded, standardized, and manipulable data, there are no more limits to the construction of difference, to classification, and to social sorting, notes David Lyon. The electronic customer list allows visualizing of consumption, or rather consumer life phenomena, at the microscopic level. Customer databases reorganize the gaze of marketers and the way marketing practice configures and controls spaces of operation, production, and economic valorization.

Inscribing Consumption: The Foucauldian Perspective

For marketers, databases are central agents in the expansion and refinement of strategies of marketing control based on the observation of consumer populations. With 360-degree surveillance, customer databases operate like a market super-Panopticon, according to Mark Poster. Poster approaches databases and profiling machines from a post-structuralist perspective, calling attention to the discursive effects of databases in a Foucauldian sense. Foucault's understanding of discourse and language is of special relevance to a study of customer databases because of the relation Foucault draws between language and the constitution of the subject. Mainly drawing from his genealogical work, Foucault develops a theory of the human being as a subject that is configured, and given cultural significance, in the first instance through language. From this perspective, a new language introduces a new way of constituting cultural objects (such as human beings and customers) and social relationships (such as markets). As Poster argues, computerized databases constitute such a new language, altering the way individuals are constituted as subjects and mobilized as identities.

Importantly, a new language changes not only how the consumer subject is constituted but also how this subject can be known. From a Foucauldian perspective, the creation of knowledge is the creation of cultural objects, and both are functions of linguistic power. In other words, a new system of representation—be it writing, statistics, or digital information flows—articulates newly ordered spaces of knowledge in which the object of representation (e.g., the consumer) becomes observable, measurable, quantifiable, in short known. The customer subject emerges as a known and knowable object on which the marketer can now act strategically.

Modulating Consumption: The Deleuzian Perspective

Although the recoding of consumer behavior into discrete and virtual “data doubles” and the inscription of digital identities is intrinsic to databases, there is more to the panoptic power of the customer database. Extending Poster's Foucauldian focus on the linguistic fabrication and multiplication of data subjects, Greg Elmer observed that the panopticism imposed onto consumers by information machines is much more concerned with “the collection of personal information to discriminate individuals into previously categorized consumer lifestyle groups or ‘profiles’” (2004, 41). Hence Elmer puts the spotlight of contemporary market-surveillance strategies squarely on the reproductive (or cybernetic) aspect of electronic panopticism. Because data subjects are “always already discriminated and profiled” (41), the contemporary mode of data collection and analysis must be understood as a dynamic process where—with each new interaction between the system and consumers—existing surveillance and profiling systems and personal information continuously inform each other. This mutability of both the surveillance apparatus and the data subject requires a departure from Foucault's architectural and optical conception of disciplinary power focused on enclosures, molds, and fixed castings, according to Gilles Deleuze. Elmer proposes instead to draw on Deleuze's notion of modulation to more successfully conceptualize how control and power operate in and through technological surveillance networks of contemporary information economies. This retheorization of disciplinary forms of control as modular represents more than a semantic change: modulation stresses simulation, movement, and flexibility rather than surveillance, enclosure, and documentation. To be sure, simulation relies on surveillance but only as far as documentation, expression, and spatial organization of collective life mapped within the electronic Panopticon provide the foundation for circular, recursive, and self-reproducing strategies of power aimed at forecasting future positions “in an increasingly dispersed and automated infoscape” (44).

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