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Until relatively recently, the older consumer has been almost invisible to the wider world. In Western countries, older people have typically been poorer than the rest of the population, and they have been much less engaged in the consumer revolutions of the twentieth century. As a consequence, they have often been ignored by marketers as well, or at least placed into categories that simply define them as old, poor, and uninterested in consuming. The social and cultural studies of consumer culture that have emerged over the last few decades have also neglected engaging with age except in two key areas: the concern over children's consumption and the dominance of studies of youth subcultural consumption. Old age, however, has been virtually absent, in terms of volume of work, as a relevant area of study in the proliferation of work on consumer cultures.

Similarly, the human sciences that address aging have also neglected the notion of consumption as relevant for understanding older people's experiences for a number of reasons, some of which are discussed in this entry—including implicit ageism in society as a whole, explicit ageism within disciplinary approaches, and gerontology's resistance to engaging with cultures of consumption until relatively recently. However, this appears to be changing, as generation and age work alongside broader social changes to bring new experiences of old age into view and as more complex models of social life impact on policy-focused work on aging. This entry explores the patterning of consumption in later life, the challenges raised by the rethinking of old age, and the implications that generational change are having on our model of what it is to be an older consumer and—in turn—what impact older people are having on models of consumption.

The Significance of Age to Consumer Culture

One might argue that age—or rather “old age”—is a modern social question. Although older people have always formed part of society, improvements in mortality and life expectancy—and crucially, healthy life expectancy—in the twentieth century in Western nations have led to greater survival rates into older and older ages. On the whole, in richer countries, people are living longer, and they are living into later life in larger numbers and with greater levels of health and fitness than ever before. In the 1950s, only around 8 percent of the global population was over sixty, but in 2000, it was 10 percent; and by 2050 it is projected to reach over 20 percent, comprising two billion older people (Harper 2006). In addition, there is also a proportionately higher growth in the “oldest old”—those who live beyond their eighties, but who often also need support and care in later life. Sarah Harper suggests that this age group is the fastest of all, with annual growth of 3.9 percent (9).

Demographers suggest the “pyramid” shape of the population will gradually spread into more of a rectangle, as larger numbers of people live longer, until sharply tapering off at a point closer to the age of one hundred. Although the growth in life expectancy is not quite as marked in developing countries, there has, nevertheless, been a general increase, with some exceptions (e.g., in Eastern Europe); and although the speed of change is slower than in developed countries, the aging population will be proportionately larger and arguably a greater social “problem” than in developed countries because of less-developed economic well-being. In the West, older people can (mostly) look forward to being wealthier and healthier than previous cohorts and therefore able to “use” consumption as a social strategy; however, in developing countries this will be very different.

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