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Many tributaries—cybernetics, Gestalt psychology, field theory, complexity theory, systems dynamics, and the theory of constraint—feed systems theory. While experimental psychologists established Gestalt theory before World War II, the other streams of thought developed in the postwar period. In this sense, systems thinking is a thoroughly modern discipline. Its explanatory power rests on its ability to abstract from the material elements of a system and to describe only formal relationships. Consider the case of “feedback” mechanisms. In systems theory, feed-back keeps a certain parameter within prescribed limits. A thermostat turns the heater on when the temperature falls below a certain amount, say, 72 degrees, and turns it off when temperature rises above 72 degrees. The discrepancy between the actual temperature and the target temperature, 72 degrees, is “fed back” to the thermostat. Families also have feedback systems. For example, if the parents argue too much, a child may misbehave to draw their attention to him and away from their argument. The child's misbehavior is “fed back” to the argumentative parents, dampening their fighting. The generality of the feedback mechanism is system theory's strength. But it is also its weakness: If we apply the theory of feedback to human groups, we risk reifying them (making abstractions concrete), forgetting that human purpose, desires, and interests shape behavior. The relationship between the child and his parents is not hardwired.

Context

The fundamental point of departure in understanding a system is to understand its context. The context provides the boundary conditions for what can transpire in the system. A classroom is a community, but its dynamics cannot be understood without considering the climate and organization of the school as a whole. If teachers feel isolated in their classrooms and the climate makes teacher-to-teacher conversation about children difficult, teachers will be less competent as instructors than they could be. The school climate and school organization—one teacher, one class—sets a boundary condition on competence.

One important corollary of this principle is that if a particular community appears in some degree puzzling to an observer—why, for example, do teachers appear sullen when they meet with parents?—it is necessary to go to the next conceptual level and ask what wider environment gives shape to the character of the parent-teacher relationship. Perhaps taxpayers recently voted down a school bond offering, making it difficult for the teacher's union to bargain for more pay, so that many teachers consequently blame parents for not supporting the bond offering. When doing a systems analysis, one does not conceptually break the system up into its parts and ask why one teacher is angry with one parent. Rather than analyzing the system, it is necessary to think synthetically and to situate the system in its wider environment.

The role of context is readily apparent in small communities where residents depend on a particular economic activity for their livelihood. The habits of living in a fishing community, where husbands go out to sea for a month at a time, differ greatly from the practices of a farming community. The widest context can explain the smallest details. Houses overlooking the sea in New England fishing towns come equipped with a widow's watch on the second floor, where the wife once stepped out to watch ships returning from their expeditions. Without understanding how a fishing community makes its living, the small porch jutting out from the second floor is mystifying.

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