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Social Capital, Impact in Wealthy and Poor Communities
Conventional wisdom holds that when faced with the absence or scarcity of a given resource to accomplish something important to us, we substitute the resources that are available to get the job done. Across cultures and throughout history, various concepts refer to this kind of pragmatic substitution. Sometimes accomplishing one's purpose entails adjusting the task along with the resources. Given this, we would expect poor communities to make use of social capital—a varied, nonmonetary social resource for accomplishing action—in place of money, human resources, land, or other forms of capital that tend to be in scarcer supply in poor communities. But on closer observation, several more complex patterns appear. First, social capital may complement rather than substitute for other kinds of capital, and the degree to which this is true may depend on the wealth of the community. Second, poor and wealthy communities turn out to differ in terms of the access they afford their members to social capital. So while certain broad social forces produce similar patterns with regard to relationships (for example, the need for trust and the expectation of reciprocity) regardless of a community's financial wealth, social capital can have significantly different impacts in communities depending on their wealth. Third and finally, social capital is employed in both poor and wealthy communities alike both for task-oriented purposes (as described above) and for emotional or expressive purposes, such as confiding and socializing. There appear to be larger differences between poor and wealthy communities in access to social capital for the task-oriented purposes. Also, there are various practical and conceptual puzzles in the relationship between social capital and economic development, especially when the latter includes the explicit aim of reducing poverty and inequality.
Use of Capital: Complementing or Substituting
Economic theory describes how multiple forms of capital are used to produce a good or service. A grocery store, for example, requires space (land and facilities, even simple ones, built on the land), labor, and inventory (goods for sale), some or all of which may be obtained with financial capital. While an owner may substitute a bit more labor for another form of capital in scarcer supply, say to sell goods faster when space is scarce, this substitution has limits. Taking the example to an extreme, even a well-staffed store will be unsuccessful without any goods for sale or space in which to conduct the transactions. (As a thought experiment, consider the example of an online grocery store. Even if it rents other stores' space to warehouse the goods it delivers, space is still required. Substitution is limited even in cyberspace.) So all three of these forms of capital—land, labor, and goods—are critical. The three complement one another in terms of what they contribute to the success of the business, though some substitution is possible.
These concepts have application in our daily lives as well. Faced with a variety of tasks—whether helping a friend to complete a government form, gathering with family for a meal, looking for a job, or seeking admission to an educational institution, for example—we make use of various forms of capital available to us. Short of capital in one area, such as money needed to make a purchase, we may ask for a favor to accomplish the same task. The favor may come from a friend, family member, acquaintance or other direct contact of ours, or it may come from a friend of a friend, that is, from a contact of one our contacts. Whatever the specific source, favor trading and favor banking (doing favors now with the expectation of receiving reciprocal favors at some later date) are textbook examples of social capital at work. Defined as mutual aid, these patterns are as old as society itself.
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