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Social scientists and practitioners are increasingly emphasizing the importance of social capital (an intangible analogue to financial, or economic, capital) in the community development process, that is, in the process of improving the health and well-being of the community, both economically and socially. Much of the literature dealing with this area of community research focuses on the positive effects social capital has on communities. Despite this emphasis, social capital can also have negative consequences for community development. In some instances, its mobilization can constrain the scope of community development efforts and produce long-term detrimental effects. This entry examines those negative aspects of social capital, particularly as they relate to the study of communities and community development.

Although social capital is defined in a variety of ways, most scholars agree that social capital emerges from interpersonal networks and interactions that are found in social organizations and community settings. For example, political scientist Robert Putnam argues that social capital is found in social organizations and that it takes the form of “networks, norms, and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit” (Putnam 1995, p. 67). Sociologist Robert Silverman defines social capital as “a bond of mutual trust emerging from shared values that are embedded in parochial networks” (Silverman 2001, p. 244). Despite distinctions in scope and focus, both definitions emphasize social capital's connection to community settings. The lack of a universally accepted definition of social capital is, however, the first of four negative aspects of the concept that are discussed here.

Disputed Definitions and Trends

The lack of a standard definition of social capital is a problematic issue because if individuals interested in mobilizing social capital for community development lack a consensus about its scope, they are likely to argue over how best to augment it. In their article titled “Is It Time to Disinvest in Social Capital?” scholars Michael Foley and Bob Edwards discuss the extent to which this downside affects the development of academic thought. According to Foley and Edwards, the rift in the social capital debate divides academics into two camps. In one camp are political scientists and economists, who argue for a broad definition of social capital. From this perspective, social capital is based on universally shared values in society and a tradition of civic engagement. In the other camp are sociologists and applied social scientists, who argue for a more particularistic definition of social capital. From this perspective, social capital is based on a foundation of parochial values shared within distinct communities.

The rift between scholars over the scope and definition of social capital complicates the efforts of practitioners who want to mobilize social capital for community development purposes. In some instances, public policy is informed by the broad definition of social capital used by political scientists and economists. In others, it is informed by the parochial definition forwarded by sociologists and applied social scientists. Still other policy proposals are organized around a vague notion of social capital that lacks clear articulation in either direction. The lack of clarity and consensus about what social capital is produces inconsistencies in policy implementation and evaluation.

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