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The incivilities thesis is actually a family of closely related theories, first articulated by James Q. Wilson in 1975, and progressively elaborated by Al Hunter, Dan Lewis, Paul Lavrakas, Michael Maxfield, Wes Skogan, George Kelling, and others over the next twenty years. Each family member links incivilities, also called disorder or signs of disorder, with one or more of the following outcomes: reactions to crime, local commitment, victimization, and neighborhood fabric and crime rates.

The incivilities in question can be of two types: social or physical. Physical ones include signs of physical deterioration such as poorly maintained housing or housing in disrepair, abandoned housing, unkempt yards or lots or vacant lots, and abandoned cars. Social ones can include disorderly or unsupervised teen groups, public drinking or drunkenness, or drug use or drug sales. Important questions persist about whether, across communities, it is possible to agree on what constitutes disorderly conditions or behaviors.

Three Models

The first-born member of this family of theories, emerging between 1975 and 1980, focused on reactions to crime. This version says that social and physical incivilities cause fear of crime to be much higher than victimization rates warrant. Incivilities inspire fear because they remind the perceiver that he or she could easily become a crime victim. One consequence may be that the person or people who feel afraid blame local community leaders or local elected leaders, inferring that those leaders are either unwilling or unable or both to reduce extant incivilities.

The second member of this family of theories, emerging in 1982, elaborated the cross-sectional, psychological connections established by the first into a socialpsychological, longitudinal framework. Evidence of unrepaired physical deterioration will embolden local miscreants, the theory states, thereby increasing disorderly social behavior. This increasing rowdiness will intimidate local residents who previously helped control street activity. Ultimately, more serious criminal predators may move in. The argument focuses on street blocks—the two sides of a street between the two cross streets. The process described is in effect a progressive deterioration of a resident-based, informal, territorial “system” for managing who is doing what when on the street. The system depends on local ties among residents and involves how the residents look after their locale and keep an eye on local activities. Jane Jacobs has called this system “eyes on the street.” As it deteriorates, the eyes become progressively blinder or just move indoors.

The youngest member of the family of theories, emerging between 1986 and 1990, envisions entire neighborhoods suffering adverse consequences over time as a result of high levels of incivilities. Features of decline may include increased out-migration rates, decreased in-migration rates, sagging house prices, and an abraded sense of community, attachment to place, and residential satisfaction.

Supporting Evidence

What empirical support do we find? The first theory is the most consistently verified. Studies using data collected at one point in time repeatedly find strong connections between perceived incivilities and a range of reactions to crime and person-place bonds. Incivilities appear to negatively affect sense of community more than they affect attachment to place.

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