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For African Americans and other minority groups, where to live is an issue with multiple considerations. Although the 1968 Fair Housing Act explicitly outlawed redlining (discriminatory practices in real estate), there are still reports of real estate agents purposefully steering minorities into specific and often racially segregated neighborhoods. Race, followed by economic class, is still very much a part of suburban community identity.

The literature on suburbanization in the United States is interesting in its narrow scope and focus. Since the 1960s, there has been an active research agenda on the development of suburbs, but much of this has addressed Caucasian populations. With a few exceptions, historians have focused on suburbs of elite and middle-class whites, and they have defined suburbs according to the standards of these communities. Sociologist Kenneth Jackson, for example, argues that the United States' distinctive landscape can be summarized as follows: “Affluent and middle-class Americans live in suburban areas that are far from their workplace, in homes that they own, and in the center of yards that by urban standards elsewhere are enormous” (Jackson 1987, p. 6). For Jackson, homeownership, low population density, and commuting from dormitory neighborhoods are essential to the definition of suburbia. Middle-class suburbia is not merely a physical landscape, however. As sociologist Robert Fishman explains, “suburbia… expresses values so deeply embedded in bourgeois culture that it might also be called the bourgeois utopia” (Fishman 1987, p. 4). At the root of the physical pattern of middle-class suburbia, then, is a cultural landscape, a set of ideas including an idealization of family life, leisure, feminine domesticity, and union with nature that are deeply rooted in Anglo American culture. Given this characterization of American suburbs as middle-class in essence, it is not surprising that workingclass black suburbs have received little attention. But failure to consider them results in an incomplete picture of U.S. suburbanization in the early twentieth century.

Broadening the Picture of Suburbs

Many early black suburbanites, like many workingclass whites, settled at the outskirts of town as a means of adapting to urban industrial life. Faced with low incomes and unstable employment, blue-collar workers used suburban property in similar ways, regardless of race. Before the advent of the welfare state, they sought economic security through various forms of domestic production and sacrifice. They grew extensive gardens, took in work, kept livestock, rented rooms to newcomers, and delayed obtaining costly services such as water and electricity. Many even built their own homes. Racism, too, contributed to these patterns by limiting black access to credit and skilled labor. While working-class white suburbs moved closer to middle-class norms over time, early black suburbs lagged behind in income, housing quality, and public improvements. In these ways, class as well as race shaped the process of African American suburbanization before 1950.

Early black suburbs are important to the history of U.S. suburbanization. Although African Americans never constituted more than 5 percent of the United States suburban population before 1960, they were part of a much larger (and equally neglected) group of bluecollar suburbanites who formed the majority in many suburbs before 1940. Indeed, the suburbs appear to have been as attractive to working-class workers as they were to middle-class Americans. However, the precise features of suburban landscape and lifestyle differed with class. The presence of several hundred thousand African American suburbanites in northern suburbs, as well as millions of other working-class suburbanites, challenges urban historians to write suburban histories that include the full range of Americans who lived on the city's edge. It suggests that suburbanization should mean the whole expansion of U.S. cities beyond their bounds, not just the celebrated decentralization of the white middle class.

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