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Whiteness Theory
Whiteness theory is an approach to the study of race rather than a theory as we normally conceive of it in communication. Whiteness theory is an outgrowth of critical race theory and focuses on what some have referred to as the other side of racism. Following critical race theory's view of race as an ideological social construction, Whiteness theory assumes that race is a historical formation constructed within a specific set of social and material conditions. Race is defined as a socially created classification that frames and influences social relationships between groups who have unequal levels of and access to power. Whiteness can be viewed as a particular position within these social relationships. The study of Whiteness addresses the ways in which Whiteness as a racialized system functions and is reproduced in political and social life as well as how Whiteness as a historically contingent social identity manifests in everyday interaction. Whiteness theory is an important attempt at articulating the functions and influence of Whiteness in the United States and elsewhere.
In the mid-1990s, Whiteness theory was introduced to the field of communication by Thomas Nakayama and Robert Krizek. Nakayama and Krizek established some of the basic precepts of Whiteness theory via their elaboration of Whiteness as a strategic rhetoric. Others in the field have extended their ideas in useful ways including (a) Whiteness as performance (John Warren, Leda Cooks, Jennifer Simpson), (b) Whiteness as discourse (Lisa A. Flores, Dreama Moon, Melissa Steyn), (c) Whiteness as identity (Ronald Jackson, Judith Martin), (d) White absolutism (Michael Lacy), and (e) postcolonial Whiteness (Raka Shome). In the remainder of this essay, the primary tenets of Whiteness theory will be described: its apparent invisibility, its self-perception as a normative standard, and its source of social privilege.
Whiteness and Invisibility
The first precept of Whiteness theory conceives of Whiteness as invisible, unremarkable, and unmarked—in other words, normal and normative. The notion of invisibility suggests that the workings of Whiteness, White supremacy, and/or White hegemony are not readily apparent, at least not to many White people. Research has shown that white U.S. Americans have a lower degree of self-awareness about race and about their own racial identity than do members of other racial-ethnic groups. Whiteness is often the unspoken, silent marker of normality; it just is. For example, when Whites refer to others, the race of the person referred to is generally not noted unless the person is not White. The assumption is that people are White unless otherwise noted.
Given that race scholarship in the academy has primarily been focused on persons of color, Whiteness as a system, as a discourse, and as an identity has escaped close scrutiny, especially among white scholars. Without a critical examination of Whiteness, we ignore the foundation on which race, racism, and racial inequality have been built in the United States. As the invisible center, a major strategy of Whiteness scholars in communication has been to unmask, name, and critically examine Whiteness. These efforts include examination of how Whiteness functions in various forms of popular culture such as hip hop, how Whiteness pervades the ways in which we conceive of our intellectual traditions such as has been done in the field of intercultural communication, how Whiteness is performed and reproduced in everyday discourse such as in White families and classrooms, and how Whiteness informs the identities of those in predominantly non-White countries such as India and the Philippines that continue to struggle with post-colonial experiences of Whiteness.
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