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As communication scholars grapple with how to analyze and correlate the central dimensions distinguishing various cultures, questions have been raised about how they, and especially values, can best be compared and contrasted. This is particularly important because values are a primary motivational construct that influences almost every aspect of human life, guiding us to consider what is desirable then energizing and directing behavior towards attaining those goals. But if two cultures seem to have diverse goals stemming from differing values, how do researchers go about measuring those differences? Identifying the ways specific values or value clusters vary along dimensions has been an important goal for many social scientists.

The 19th-century approach considered a one-dimensional linear model in which tradition moved forward toward modernity. In laying the foundations for an approach to studying intercultural communication, Edward T. Hall posited that context and time were also contrasting dimensions. Harry Triandis, in similar proposals for the study of subjective culture, suggested that core cultural syndromes can be identified, such as orientations to individualism and collectivism. Thus began the quest of values theorists to explicate measurable and scientifically comparable dimensions and determine how these might be integrated into multidimensional frameworks.

Cultural anthropologist Hall proposed that cultures varied significantly across several domains. One was context: Some cultures especially value and pay attention to the complete communicative context (high-context, HC cultures), and some do not, placing more emphasis on the explicit verbal code (low-context, LC cultures). He further postulated variance regarding time: Some cultures value a linear, sequential, event-by-event approach to time (monochrome, M-time cultures), while others prefer a synchronic, multi-tasking, flexible attitude toward time (polychronic, P-time cultures). Hall's cultural types are often used in descriptive studies to discuss relative differences between cultural systems, but few scales or measures have been designed to test the specific degree to which cultures are contextually driven or time-variant.

Identifying Value Clusters and Patterns

In sociology, the functional structuralists Talcott Parsons and Edward Shils, in their theory of social action, argued that at least five contrasting pairs of cultural value patterns affect the decisions that every cultural group must choose between in their ordering of social institutions and behavior. These pattern variables were proposed as being the principal tools for structural analysis of differing societies:

  • affectivity versus affective neutrality (the dilemma of whether to immediately gratify one's emotional needs or to be morally and emotionally disciplined),
  • private versus collective interest (clarifying role-definition dilemmas, pursuing self-oriented private interests or the common interests of the collectivity),
  • universalism versus particularism (endorsing a set of existential ideas or general normative rules, to taking the particularity of status in a relational system into account),
  • achievement versus ascriptive role behavior (role attainment by personal performance vs. independent attributes recognized by a social system), and
  • specificity versus diffuseness (detailed role expectations, as compared to a broader or unlimited range).

Though these concepts provided some breakthroughs, social scientists found it difficult to clearly delineate content for scale development, and others proposed similar ideas. In an attempt to systematize existing literature, sociologist Alex Inkeles and psychologist Daniel Levinson noted that studies carried out in the first half of the 20th century were characterized by extensive overlap, subjective choices, inconsistent levels of analysis (individual, group or culture), and methodological weakness. They argued that a set of standard analytic issues were needed, and their analysis yielded

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