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Within the field of media and communications, research comparing common activities or practices in two or more countries is much advocated and increasingly conducted. Increasingly, regionalization and globalization are encouraging communication researchers to address the cross-national or transnational dimensions of cultural institutions, products, audiences, and policies. Further, funding bodies, policy imperatives, professional associations, and publication outlets in the field all increasingly favor comparative research. Yet, as the phenomena of media and communication increasingly cross borders, more researchers are taking on the challenge, asking some fascinating questions not only about the media but also about childhood, family, and culture. Although research on media use by children and adolescents has been primarily quantitative, some qualitative studies have also been conducted.

The Aims and Methods of Comparative Research

The aims of European comparative study include improving understanding of one's own country; improving understanding of other countries; testing a theory across diverse settings; examining transnational processes across different contexts; examining the local reception of imported cultural forms; building abstract, universally applicable theory; challenging claims to universality; evaluating scope and value of certain phenomena; identifying marginalized cultural forms; improving international understanding; and learning from the policy initiatives of others. Depending on the aims, differing models for comparison are selected, each conceptualizing the similarities and differences among countries in different ways.

One key issue for comparative research is the question of country selection. In European comparisons, attempts are generally made to include Northern and Southern countries, large and small countries, and countries from diverse language groupings and religious traditions. The European Union plays a key role in developing policy relating to media and information technologies (from cultural, educational, family, and employment policy), which in turn creates a demand for policy-relevant research. Hence, countries for comparison are often selected from member states (15 in 1995, 25 since 2005). European funding sources include not only the European Commission but also the European Science Foundation (30 states) and the Council of Europe (46 states).

Comparative research faces a key issue of comparability of measures. This includes addressing differing conceptual categories and linguistic terms (e.g., privacy, family, audience are all terms with variable meanings across Europe). Identifying the relevant dimensions for comparison is similarly demanding.

Media Use by Children and Adolescents

Children's time spent with media depends not only on children's media preferences in different countries and the media system in their country but also on their available time—and this will vary according to the school day, the parents' working week, conventions regarding leisure activities, shared activities, meal-times, and bedtime. In the recent project “Children and Their Changing Media Environment,” which compared 12 European countries (Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Israel, Italy, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom), each of these dimensions had to be compared before drawing conclusions regarding children's media time across Europe.

The only European project to compare children and young people's experiences across old and new media using qualitative and quantitative methods, “Children and Their Changing Media Environment” found similar trends in the adoption and use of a growing range of screen media (multiple televisions, video and DVD players, computers, etc.) in European homes, replicating a typology of media-rich, “traditional” (television, books, and music but no computer or Internet) and media-poor households across Europe. However, a range of differences were also found. In Dutch homes, cable television is nearly universal; computers, the Internet, and mobile technology arrived earlier in Nordic countries; Britain places the greatest stress on children's personal screen entertainment media (e.g., televisions in their bedrooms). Partly in consequence, British children watch the most television, whereas Nordic children are fairly termed “pioneers of new technologies,” spending longer with interactive media as part of a more established culture of domestic and educational technology. The project also contrasted media use in “traditional family-oriented cultures” and “peer-oriented cultures.” In Spain, researchers found a strongly family-oriented culture in which children spend comparatively little time watching favorite television programs alone in their bedrooms. In the United Kingdom and Germany, they found more privatized media use, partly because of cultural restrictions on children's freedom to meet friends in public locations. In the Nordic countries, demographic factors played a role in children's relatively greater freedom to determine their peer-oriented, media-rich lifestyles.

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