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ACCORDING TO TH E 2000 census, Pennsylvania had 12,281,054 residents living in its 67 counties. The commonwealth's Bureau of Commissions, Elections, and Legislation reported that the state had 7,770,472 registered voters as of April 2004. One of out every three registered voters (33 percent) lived in Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester, Delaware, or Montgomery counties, while approximately one of out every five registered voters (19.1 percent) lived in Allegheny, Beaver, Butler, Washington, or Westmoreland counties. Thus, the two largest urban centers in the commonwealth account for more than 50 percent of all registered voters. However, 48 of the commonwealth's counties are considered rural, meaning their population density is less than the statewide average.

This geographic dispersion of voters is at the heart of a legendary comment made by Democratic political consultant James Carville during the 1991 Senate contest between Democrat Harris Wofford and former Republican governor Richard Thornburgh. Carville assessed the political landscape in Pennsylvania as “Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, and Alabama in between.” However, the state's electoral politics may confound observers because of its individualistic political culture and unprecedented levels of partisan competition.

In his classic work, Daniel Elazar evaluated the political culture in each state as individualistic, moralistic, or traditionalistic. He classified Pennsylvania as an individualistic political culture, an environment that views politics as a business and emphasizes minimum interference from government into the private affairs of its citizens. According to Elazar, public officials are expected to serve those who have supported them in order to remain in power, thus creating a class of individuals who view politics as their profession or career.

The party bosses in the latter part of the 19th century exemplify this model. From the days of the Civil War until 1934, the Republican Party controlled politics in Pennsylvania. With the rise of the New Deal and the increased urbanization of the regions surrounding Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, the Democratic Party gained strength. The increase in Democratic voters in the urban areas challenged the long-time Republican traditions, particularly in the rural regions.

These changes over time have positioned Pennsylvania as the state with the highest level of partisan competition, according to researchers Samuel Patterson and Gregory Caldeira. As of 2004, the Democratic Party held a slight edge in voter registrations with 3,706,112 registered voters as compared to the Republican Party's 3,220,496. The largest third parties in Pennsylvania are the Libertarian Party, with 30,853 registered voters as of April 2004, and the Green Party, with 12,315 registered voters. The individualistic political culture, coupled with the extraordinary level of partisan competition, make Pennsylvania's patterns of electoral behavior difficult to predict. Outcomes vary in national and state elections.

National Elections

Pennsylvania has been one of the leading prizes in the Electoral College since the nation's creation. The value of the prize, however, has declined since 1960, as the Commonwealth's population growth kept up with other states. In the presidential election of 1960, the state had 32 electoral votes; following the 1960 census, Pennsylvania lost three electoral votes. The next three consecutive censuses each resulted in a loss of two electoral votes, reducing the Commonwealth to 21 electoral votes following the 2000 Census.

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