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W.E.B. Du Bois's theory of “the talented tenth” registers right along with his concept of “double-consciousness” as among his most celebrated and controversial contributions to African American educational, social, and political thought traditions. However, unlike his concept of double consciousness, Du Bois returned to and revised his theory of the talented tenth. Many scholars and critics have interpreted Du Bois's theory of the most talented tenth of African Americans leading the rest as utterly elitist and thoroughly shot through with European ideals— from Enlightenment thought to European American aristocratic philosophy and political theory. But other scholars and critics have argued that Du Bois's much mangled theory of the talented tenth is actually not about the black bourgeoisie or African American aristocracy leading the black masses and working classes but, rather, about an assemblage of people of character who are actively dedicated to black liberation and democratic social transformation.

The confusion and contradictory interpretations of Du Bois's theory are partly the result of his vagueness and, in Du Bois's own words, his youth and idealism in his initial articulation of the talented tenth theory in 1903. It also did not help matters much that it took him 45 years to respond to criticisms and revise the theory, which he did in 1948. Taken together, Du Bois's 1903 and 1948 versions of the talented tenth theory are seminal and highly significant contributions to African American leadership and liberation thought; African American philosophy of education; and African American social and political philosophy. What follows is a critical assessment of the contributions this theory has made and continues to make to the discourse and debates surrounding African American social development and cultural survival.

The Talented Tenth Thesis: The Initial Articulation (1903)

Du Bois initially articulated the talented tenth in his essay by that name in the edited volume The Negro Problem: A Series of Articles by Representative American Negroes of Today (1903), which included pieces by Booker T. Washington, Charles W. Chesnutt, Paul Laurence Dunbar, and T. Thomas Fortune, among others. The talented tenth is divided into three parts: The first part provides a philosophy of history that highlights and accents African American achievements against all the odds that holocaust and enslavement entail. Du Bois's philosophy of history places female freedom fighters right alongside their male counterparts, invoking the names of Phillis Wheatley, David Walker, Sojourner Truth, Henry Highland Garnett, Harriet Tubman, Alexander Crummell, and Frederick Douglass. Though there has long been confusion among Du Bois's critics concerning the line that opens and closes the essay, which refers to race being saved by its exceptional men, he actually meant (as he made clear in his 1948 revision of the talented tenth thesis) that African American uplift rested squarely on the shoulders of both black men and black women of character. These black men and black women, like the freedom fighters just mentioned, constantly seek self-knowledge, self-realization, and self-control, and they possess a serious and sincere spirit of service and sacrifice. The first and last line of Du Bois's essay has also been interpreted as an unmitigated endorsement of African American leadership and social development under the auspices of the black bourgeoisie or African American aristocracy. According to Du Bois and many of his more sympathetic interpreters, however, he was not calling for leadership by the African American upper class, but leadership via the African American educated class, which by his estimate of 1903 amounted to 10% of the African American population, thus comprising the talented tenth of African Americans. In the first part of this essay, then, Du Bois is at pains to predicate African American uplift on the African American intelligentsia using its knowledge of and access to crucial and critical resources in the best interest of the black masses, as opposed to merely its upper and/or middle classes.

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