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Les damnés de la terre, which is literally translated “the damned of the earth,” was originally published under its French title in 1961, shortly before the death of its author, Frantz Fanon, on December 6, 1961. Fanon had written the work over a 10-week period of astonishing labor after learning that he had leukemia. The philosopher-psychiatrist was one of the most infamous revolutionaries in the French-speaking world, having formally joined the Front nationale libération (FLN), the group that led the fight for Algerian independence. Although there was a price on his head, Fanon managed to evade capture and met with Jean-Paul Sartre, the most celebrated living philosopher of the time, and persuaded him to write the preface to the work. The work had an immediate great influence on the French-speaking world. Two years later, in 1963, it was translated into English and published as The Wretched of the Earth.

There are few books that have had as much impact on contemporary thought as The Wretched of the Earth. It was described by the Black Panthers as “the handbook of the Revolution,” and it immediately became essential reading for all left-wing intellectuals. The right wing attacked it viciously as a warmongering text, and members of the more orthodox left attacked it as “unscientific.” Yet its impact has been such that its readership ranges from college students reading “canonical texts” in universities to high school dropouts trying to figure out their situations as they live in the midst of poverty, squalor, and violence. Even a quick read of this classic, controversial text will explain these responses.

The Central Argument

The main thesis of the book is that freedom must be taken, never given. Because of this, the English title misrepresents the text, since Fanon did not consider colonized people and those subject to international racist policies to be “wretched.” They lived as “damned” people because they all, even the innocent among them, suffer the same plight. The colonizers structure their relationship to the colonized as one of legitimate possession. This means that they see themselves as having a right to the conquered people's land. Thus, when the conquered and colonized fight to regain what they, too, consider to be rightfully theirs, they are accused of attempted theft. In both instances, there is, in other words, a situation of perceived theft. Fanon challenged the nonviolent resolution of this face-off—decolonization. The colonized paying for the land would, in effect, be like their paying robbers to return the goods the robbers stole from them. What's more, colonizing groups also bring a set of values that present their actions as rightful and just, and they bring along their military forces to support them. These values usually ascribe greater worth to the lives of colonizers than to the lives of the colonized. Since the decolonization process requires retrieving the land, standing up to the military, and denying the superiority of the colonizing group, an analytic of violence emerges. When the colonized are asked to be nonviolent, it means that they are asked to request change in a form that is acceptable to the colonizers. In some cases, that means so-called change without the colonizers losing anything.

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