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As a subgroup of second-generation Americans, the term second-generation Korean Americans (SKGAs) usually refers to the first U.S.-born descendants of Korean immigrants. The term however can encapsulate a complex combination of important subgroups apart from the native-born children of immigrants. Today's SGKAs may also include Korean immigrant children who were raised in the United States (sometimes termed the 1.5 generation), adopted Korean immigrant children who were raised in the United States and U.S.-born biracial children of one Korean immigrant parent. While some scholars join together the 1.5 and second generation, other scholars note the significant differences in social experiences between these two groups. For the purposes of this article, SGKAs will only refer to those Korean Americans who were born in the United States to two immigrant Korean parents. Korean immigration can be traced back to the early 20th century; however, the term second generation typically refers to those born of immigrants arriving after 1965 to the present. Narrowing the definition to this time frame still accounts for most of today's second-generation Korean Americans owing to their much larger numerical presence. While generally young on average, SGKAs have made noticeable inroads in terms of contributions to many institutions, most particularly in religion. In this entry, we summarize the main social and demographic characteristics and a handful of areas that illustrate their position in society.

Demographic and Social Characteristics

Immigration from Korea to the United States grew dramatically from 38,000 in 1970 to approximately 1 million by 2011. As the entire Korean American population numbers around 1.45 million, the difference mainly reflects the second generation. Given this population size, demographic and socioeconomic estimates are difficult to obtain for SGKAs. While the technical definition of second generation should include the children of Korean immigrants regardless of year of parents' migration, the children born from the migration waves since 1965 far outnumber their predecessors, often making the stories of the pre-1965 second generation invisible. As a consequence, today's SGKAs are relatively young on average, and much of the research on SGKAs is focused on the earlier years of the life course.

For example, SGKA educational outcomes have been noteworthy given their aggregate higher-than-average high school graduation and college completion rates, including a disproportionally high rate of elite college attendance. This can be explained in part by the higher-than-average college attendance of their parents as well as the motivations of downwardly mobile first-generation Korean immigrants who seek status improvement through their children's achievements. Such attainment appears to be bundled with two divergent outcomes. Native-born Asian Americans, including most SGKAs with a college degree, report earnings that roughly match or exceed their white non-Hispanic peers. However, these aggregate figures are correlated with complex factors including regional cost-of-living differences and number of earners per household. Further, some research also suggests that Asian Americans in college (many of whom are SGKAs) face greater mental health issues including depression and suicide ideation.

Early Social Mobility

Because Korean immigrants show the highest rates of entrepreneurship in the past two decades, recent research has considered its potential to spur upward mobility similar to the case of early 20th-century Chinese, Japanese, and Jewish Americans. While SGKA educational and income attainment levels are high, some evidence suggests that, relative to those SGKAs who were raised by professional-class immigrant parents, SGKAs from immigrant entrepreneur households exhibit lower educational attainment and earnings.

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