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The issue of combining work and family has become more relevant in recent decades, as families in which all of the adults work for pay have become increasingly common (e.g., Jacobs, 2003). Since the 1970s, the proportion of families with a woman at home to take care of the domestic labor and a man in the workforce to take care of the economic labor has declined substantially (Jacobs, 2003). Now, most American families are headed by a working couple or a single working parent (Bianchi & Raley, 2003; Jacobs, 2003). Generally, each adult works a full-time job, and the domestic labor takes up about as much time as another full-time job (Sayer, 2002). Thus, most married couples have a total workload that is approximately equivalent to three full-time jobs, whereas single parents have the approximate equivalent of two full-time jobs for which they are solely responsible.

Effects on Children

As increasing numbers of mothers have entered the workforce, there has been some societal concern about potentially negative effects on children. Research has investigated different aspects of maternal employment and their associations with various child outcomes. Two of the most frequently studied child outcomes can be construed broadly as cognitive achievement and problem behaviors.

Cognitive Achievement

Much of the research on maternal employment and children's outcomes has focused on indicators of children's cognitive achievement, such as school grades or intellectual, reading, and mathematics ability. Maternal employment during the first year of a child's life has received particular attention as a predictor. In general, studies have shown that maternal employment during the 1st year of the child's life—especially if begun before the fourth quarter—can have a negative impact on the child's later cognitive achievement. This effect can extend through at least age 9 (possibly through age 12 for boys; Harvey, 1999) and is found particularly among middle-class boys and among children of both sexes who have mothers with higher levels of intelligence (e.g., Han, Waldfogel, & Brooks-Gunn, 2001). Studies that have examined the results of first-year maternal employment among different ethnic groups have found this negative effect among European American children, but no effect among African American and Hispanic children (e.g., Han et al., 2001).

During the preschool years (after children have reached their first birthday), the effects of maternal employment are different. Maternal employment during the second, third, and/or fourth years of a child's life has been found to have a positive impact on cognitive development through at least age 8 if the child is European American. However, mothers' employment during these years has shown the opposite effect for Hispanic children and no effect for African American children (e.g., Han et al., 2001).

Once children are in school, the effects of maternal employment seem to become even more complex. Having a mother who works appears to be beneficial for the cognitive development of elementary and secondary school girls, as well as for middle elementary school children of both sexes who come from singleparent, working-class families (Hoffman & Youngblade, 1999). On the other hand, maternal employment can be detrimental to preteen and adolescent middle-class boys' cognitive achievement. When mothers on welfare become employed and increase their income, their children's cognitive achievement generally improves. However, when the welfare-to-work transition leaves adolescents in charge of younger siblings during afterschool hours, the adolescents' cognitive achievement may suffer slightly (National Research Council and Institute of Medicine, 2003).

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