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Interest in adolescence, a time marked by psychological and physical changes, has generated more than 16 theories to explain the content, meaning, and sequelae of this developmental period (Muuss, 1996). One, Fowler's theory (1981) of faith development, parallels Erikson's (1968) notions about identity crisis, that is, adolescence as a time characterized by numerous questions about identity in relation to faith. Research and theories about resilience abound also. Initially driven by anecdotal data, resilience was thought to characterize the extraordinary person persisting against tremendous odds. However, Masten (2001) asserts that it is “ordinary magic.” The function of religiosity and resilience, the “two Rs,” in the lives of adolescents will be explored simultaneously.

Definitions

Religiosity, the participation in and affiliation with formal religious organizations, and spirituality, a belief system based on a deity or philosophy, have been found to be critical across the life span. In turn, Masten (2001, p. 234) defines resilience as “a class of phenomena characterized by good outcomes in spite of serious threats to adaptation or development.” Each developmental period over the life span is associated with changes that can be smooth, rough, or a combination of terrains. Resilience is the capacity to manage challenging situations, including transitions. The life contexts of individuals are as varied as the attitudes and behaviors associated with resilience.

Based on research and theory, Masten (2001, p. 228) identified a “small set of global factors” that are associated with resilience, including “connections to competent and caring adults in the family and community, cognitive and self-regulation skills, positive views of self and motivation to be effective in the environment.” Murray (2003) adds that these behaviors and attitudes can be learned.

Religiosity and resilience are both contextually determined. The literature suggests racial/ethnic, gender, and developmental differences among adolescents in terms of religiosity: African Americans attend church more frequently than class-comparable European Americans; girls tend to be more religious in private and in public than boys; and older adolescents tend to be more spiritual than religious, that is, church attendance declines over the course of adolescence (Markstrom, 1999).

The changes in the cognitive development of adolescents increase their capacity to consider and even identify with a supreme being. Adolescence represents a time to explore ways to begin to manage the inevitable vicissitudes of life. For some adolescents, faith is a coping mechanism and a way to view oneself in the world (Fowler, 1981).

The Intersection of Resilience and Religiosity

There are several key ways in which resilience and religiosity interrelate during the adolescent period.

Connections, Cognition, and Self-Regulation Skills

Many organized religions have active adult-supervised youth-focused activities. Markstrom (1999, p. 205) found that “ego strengths of hope, will, purpose, fidelity, love and care” were related to the religious involvement of both Black and White rural West Virginia low-income teens.

In addition to the church context involving related and nonrelated adults, having religious parents can contribute to positive development. Brody, Stoneman, and Flor (1996) explored family processes and youth competence in rural two-parent African American families with 12-year-old children. The findings indicated that higher parental religiosity was associated with fewer externalizing and internalizing problems.

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