Achievement in Mathematics, Gender and Ethnic Differences

In the United States, males outperform females in overall mathematics achievement and outnumber females in lucrative, prestigious math-related careers, although the degree of difference has narrowed during recent decades. There are also large and persistent ethnic gaps in mathematics achievement and participation. Just as males outperform females, Whites and Asian/Pacific Islanders outperform underrepresented minorities (i.e., African Americans, Hispanics, and American Indians) (National Science Foundation [NSF], 2003; College Board, 2002).

Researchers have found few gender and ethnic differences in math attitudes and achievement during early childhood. At Grades 4, 8, and 12, however, underrepresented minorities scored substantially lower than Whites and Asians on the 2000 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) mathematics assessment. At each grade level, underrepresented minorities were more likely than Whites to [Page 8]score below basic proficiency level in mathematics and less likely than Asians to agree with the statement, “I am good at mathematics.” Likewise, at Grades 4, 8, and 12, girls reported liking math less and were less confident of their math abilities compared with boys (NSF, 2003). While there are no significant gender differences in performance on tests of basic math knowledge, on higher-level tasks related to mathematical concepts and problem solving, males outperform females (Wellesley College Center for Research on Women and American Association of University Women [AAUW], 1992). In addition, gender and ethnic achievement gaps exist on the high-stakes Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), which influences college admissions and scholarship decisions. In 2002, the average quantitative SAT score was 516; males, Whites, and Asian Americans scored higher than average, while females and underrepresented minorities scored lower (College Board, 2002).

There are also pronounced gender and ethnic gaps in math course enrollment. Thus, in 2002, 42% of Asian Americans, compared with 26% of Whites, 18% of Mexican Americans, and 14% of African Americans and Puerto Ricans, took calculus during high school (College Board, 2002). Furthermore, among those who earn bachelor's degrees, a lower proportion of underrepresented minorities and women, compared with Whites, Asians, and men, major in mathand science-related fields. For example, though the gender gap in math course enrollment in high school has narrowed, and women earned 74.4% of the bachelor's degrees awarded in psychology in 1998, they earned only 18.6% of the bachelor's degrees awarded in engineering and 26.9% awarded in computer sciences. Approximately one third of the bachelor's degrees earned by underrepresented minorities in 1998 were in math and science fields, compared with roughly half of all bachelor's degrees earned by Asians (NSF, 2003).

Some researchers theorize that genetic factors lead to the gender and ethnic gaps in mathematical achievement and participation, while others focus on environmental factors and learner attitudes. Researchers who argue that the gender gap results from innate differences often point to gender differences in brain organization and sex-related differences in spatial abilities, which originate during middle childhood and have been linked to performance on mathematics tests (Geary, Saults, & Lui, 2000). Investigators citing environmental variables as explanatory suggest that influential adults, such as parents and teachers, may reinforce traditional stereotypes, beliefs, and expectations that hold boys as superior or underrepresented minorities as inferior in mathematical ability. Such beliefs may undermine female and minority students' math confidence and their motivation to learn mathematics, and limit their opportunities to engage in math-related activities. Research has shown that parents often distort their perceptions of their own children in gender role stereotypic activities such as mathematics and sports. Thus, parents may perceive more ability in their sons and less in their daughters. In addition, parents' perceptual biases may influence children's activity choices and their self-perceptions (Eccles & Jacobs, 1986).

...