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The nature and experience of affliction and the causes and consequences thereof vary from culture to culture and, over time, within a culture. Cultures have developed more or less organized approaches to understand and treat afflictions, and identify the agents, forces, or conditions believed responsible for them. Ethnomedicine is that branch of medical anthropology concerned with the cross-cultural study of these systems. While medical systems or elements thereof were foci of research early in the 20th century in the work of W. H. Rivers, the study of popular systems of health and illness did not coalesce into a field of study in anthropology until the 1980s. Foundational formulations of the field of medical anthropology appeared in the 1950s and 1960s, in the works of such writers as William Caudill and Steven Polgar.

Indigenous medical beliefs and practices appeared earlier in works focused thereon, as well in ethnographies of religion and culture and personality. Ethnomedicines were conceptualized in terms of an idealized Western medicine, biomedicine. Anthropologists considered it to be of an entirely different order than medicines of other cultures, and the term ethnomedicine reflected this radical dichotomy.

Ethnomedicine–Old

Ethnomedical beliefs and practices were the products of indigenous cultural developments outside of “modern medicine.” Writers unabashedly referred to such systems as “primitive,” and “irrational.” Because these systems were assumed to be based upon custom, they were, by definition, inefficacious “beliefs” in contrast to the putatively certain “knowledge” of biomedicine. Whether they were the ultimately biological theories of misfortune(witchcraft, as among the Azande) or the diagnosis of skin maladies among the Subanun, any reported ethnomedical efficacy derived “coincidentally” when their beliefs paralleled those of “scientific” medicine.

Early researchers, from Rivers forward, recognized the intimate interconnections of medical with other cultural ideas; no separation existed between medicine and other cultural domains such as religion, gender, or social structure. Researchers assumed this separation held for biomedicine.

Ethnomedical studies' central foci of concern were systems of classification of illness and etiological theories. Researchers developed broad generalizations that often served to bolster the dichotomy between “primitive” or folk medical systems and “scientific medicine.” These etiological theories were dichotomized and classified as concepts as “naturalistic” (caused by outside forces and events such as ecological changes) or “personalistic” (caused by specific agents such as witches or sorcerers) or “externalizing and internalizing” medical systems. Such notions dichotomized ethnomedical systems in terms of their logic.

Diagnosis and therapeutic approaches to illness, including rituals, pharmacopoeias, and body manipulation, attracted attention as did the healers themselves. Shamans as well as sorcerers and diviners received considerable interest, including research on recruitment. A research staple was the plethora of folk, or culturebound, disorders(for example, susto, amok, latah, koro). Ethnomedical nosologies are not universal, as biomedicine asserts with respect to its own classifications. Rather, such systems are local, as are many of the illness entities they classify. An example is the well-studied system of humoral pathology in the Americas. As well, what is regarded as a symptom of illness or health varies from culture to culture. Signs of sickness in one culture are signs of health in another. This is the case with depressive ideation, which is seen as troubling in the United States but suggests growing enlightenment in Buddhist cultures.

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