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Death Rituals

Death is a universal inevitability, but human responses are different. How people deal with death has always been closely studied by anthropologists. Death-related beliefs and practices provide a window for viewing a society's social organization, cultural values, and worldviews. With a long-term perspective, this window can also allow us to see mechanisms of culture change and cultural adaptation to new socioeconomic circumstances.

Ethnographic record shows that there exist a wide variety of death rituals in the world. Death rituals usually start when a person stops breathing or is pronounced dead culturally. The body may be first washed, shaved, combed, painted, or perfumed. Then, it may be dressed or left naked, covered with blankets or adorned with jewelry. Finally, it may be buried, cremated, kept in the house, preserved by smoking or pickling, dismembered to feed animals or birds, thrown into river or sea, exposed as carrion, or even eaten, raw or cooked. Family, friends, and neighbors may get together to express grief by weeping, wailing, singing dirges, beating the breast, or tearing the hair. How the body is treated and disposed and how family, friends, and neighbors should behave for a specific period of mourning are all determined by cultural guidelines.

Anthropological Perspectives of Death Ritual

The study of death-related beliefs and practices has been of crucial importance to anthropology from its beginning. In archaeology, remnants from burials are often the only data surviving from early paleolithic cultures. They have provided evidence of cultural activities for the world's oldest civilizations and religious practice of prehistoric people. Mortuary structures have produced impressive and revealing evidence about ancient ways of life. The huge pyramids in Egypt and the magnificent tombs in Greece and China have yielded a plethora of information about the ideologies and values of ancient societies in those countries.

In sociocultural anthropology, interest in death-related beliefs and practices can be traced to the cultural evolutionists of the 19th century who attempted to construct grand evolutionary schemes of social development in the world. Edward Tylor and Sir James Frazer, for example, focused their attention on beliefs associated with death and existence thereafter. They argued that early humans' contemplation of death and deathlike states, such as sleeping and dreaming, was the origin of the concept of the soul and that the belief in its continued existence after death lead to the origin of all religions.

The evolutionary approach of Tylor, Frazer, and others has been discredited because of its ethnocentric scheme of universal cultural evolution, its faulty use of the comparative method, and its unsupported speculations concerning the origin of various institutions, beliefs, and practices. However, the subject of death-related behaviors continued to play an important role in the anthropological study of religion. In the 20th century, anthropologists interested in the study of religion shifted their attention from its origins and evolution to the study of basic functions that religion serves in human society. The functional approach to religion had its origin in the works of French sociologist Durkheim, developed further in the works of his students such as Robert Hertz, and in the works of British social anthropologists such as Radcliffe-Brown and Malinowski. These functionalists, through the analysis of death-related behaviors, attempted to demonstrate how a religious system serves to affirm and preserve the social system by establishing equilibrium and maintaining social solidarity.

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