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This landmark work offers a tour of the latest developments in Social Identity Theory from the leading scholars in the field. First proposed by Tajfel and Turner in 1979, Social Identity Theory has proved enormously influential in stimulating new theory and research, and in its application to social problems. The field is developing apace and important new lines of work have opened up in the past few years. The three sections of the book cover: theoretical contributions to the field; recent empirical assessments of key elements of the theory; and applications of Social Identity Theory to bring about changes in problematic intergroup relationships.

Superordinate Goals versus Superordinate Identity as Bases of Intergroup Cooperation

Superordinate Goals versus Superordinate Identity as Bases of Intergroup Cooperation

Superordinate goals versus superordinate identity as bases of intergroup cooperation
Marilynn B.Brewer

When the initial experiments with the minimal intergroup situation (Tajfel et al., 1971) gave rise to the formulation of social identity theory, prevailing theories of intergroup relations were, in effect, stood on their heads. The then current structuralist view (e.g., Sherif, 1966a) assumed that the structure of interdependence within and between social groups accounted for differentiation of individuals into competing social groups. From this perspective, the presence of cooperative interdependence and common goals gave rise to ingroup formation, while competitive interdependence (such as resource competition) gave rise to intergroup conflict and hostility. Interdependence, then, was both necessary and sufficient to produce ingroup-outgroup distinctions and hostility. By extension, when the structure of interdependence between groups is changed from competitive to common goals, intergroup conflict and differentiation should be reduced and intergroup attitudes improved (Sherif, 1966a, 1966b).

The minimal intergroup experiments demonstrated clearly that realistic competition was not a necessary condition for intergroup differentiation or discrimination.1 Further, the concept of ‘social competition’ (Turner, 1975) reversed the hypothesized causal relationship between competition and intergroup differentiation. Instead of competition causing group formation and intergroup conflict, social identity theory postulated that social categorization and intergroup differentiation itself causes cooperative orientation toward ingroup members and competition between ingroups and outgroups.

A corollary to the social competition hypothesis questions whether cooperative interdependence between differentiated groups is sufficient to reduce ingroup favouritism and intergroup discrimination and conflict. If salient category distinctions can create intergroup discrimination in the absence of a competitive reward structure, there is little reason to believe that the presence of objective superordinate goals or positive interdependence would be sufficient to overcome the subjective social competition associated with salient ingroup-outgroup distinctions. However, research has rarely addressed the almost heretical idea that in an intergroup context, cooperative interdependence may actually exacerbate rather than reduce ingroup-outgroup discrimination and hostility (see Brown, 1984a, for one exception). Indeed, the concepts of ‘superordinate goals’ and ‘superordinate identity’ are often treated interchangeably as prescriptions for reducing intergroup conflict. The purpose of this chapter is to challenge this confusion of terms and to examine more carefully the implications of social identity theory for understanding the effects of intergroup interdependence.

Common Identity, Common Fate and Interdependence

Before going further into these arguments, it is important to make some conceptual distinctions between common fate, common identity, and what is meant here by positive interdependence. I define common fate as a coincidence of outcomes among two or more persons that arises because they have been subjected to the same external forces or decision rules. All persons who are recipients of social security benefits share a common fate whenever social policies governing the social security system are altered. Individuals in a coastal community threatened by an oncoming hurricane face a common fate. If the hurricane hits, all those in its path suffer damage; if it dies down before reaching the coast, all are spared.

Shared fate does not necessarily entail any interdependence among those who are affected by the common benefit or threat. If one individual moves from the community before the hurricane arrives, he or she escapes the common fate but does not alter the outcomes of those who stay behind. However, if coordinated actions by residents of the community can affect the severity of the damage that might be caused by a hurricane, then conditions of interdependence have been introduced. In this case, one individual's outcomes can be affected or determined by what another individual in the interdependent unit chooses to do. In other words, true interdependence requires some form of mutual fate control, or outcome interdependence among participants (Thibaut and Kelley, 1959). The structure of interdependence varies depending on the relationship (if any) that exists between what an individual does to benefit him or herself and what benefits the other. Negative interdependence occurs when goals of self and other are incompatible, so that Person A's self-interested behaviours have a negative effect on Person B's outcomes. Conversely, positive interdependence means that goals are compatible such that behaviours that benefit Person A also improve outcomes for Person B.

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