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The analysis of modernity—of the modern social order and civilization—has constituted a basic core in the modern intellectual discussion of the development of modernity in sociological, anthropological, and historical scholarship. In sociology, the analysis of modernity constituted the focus of the major early evolutionists, such as Auguste Comte and Herbert Spencer. In different ways, such analysis was also the central focus of the discussion of modernity in the works of Karl Marx, Alexis de Tocqueville, Émile Durkheim and Max Weber, Ferdinand Tönnies, and many others. This entry traces the evolution of modernity from the theories of the 1950s through the present time, focusing especially on the varied forms that modernity has taken and its relationship to changing concepts of power and the legitimacy of the nation-state. The entry concludes with a look at the impact of globalization and at the negative aspects of modernity.

Classical Theories

The “classical” theories of modernization of the 1950s have indeed identified the core characteristics of modernity and of modern society, such as the decomposition of older “closed” institutional frameworks; the development of new structural, institutional, and cultural features and formations; and, to use the terminology of Karl Deutsch, the growing potential for social mobilization. The most important structural dimension of modernity attesting to the decomposition of former relatively narrow formations was seen in the growing tendency for structural differentiation—manifested, for example, in growing urbanization; commodification of the economy; and in the continual development of distinctive channels of communication and agencies of education. On the institutional level, such decomposition gave rise to the development of new institutional formations—such as the modern state, modern national collectivities, and new market (especially capitalist) economies—that were perceived or defined to some extent at least as autonomous and that were indeed regulated by specific, distinct mechanisms—such as rules of the market, of bureaucratic organization, and the like. In some later formulations, it was the development of such distinct autonomous spheres, each regulated by its own logic, that was very often defined in the essence of modern institutional formations. Concomitantly, modernity was seen as bearing a distinct cultural program and shaping a distinct type of personality characteristic.

These theories, as well as classical sociological analyses of Marx, Durkheim, and to a large extent even of Weber (or at least one reading of him), have implicitly or explicitly conflated the structural and cultural major dimensions of modernity, as they saw it developing in the West. A very strong, even if implicit, assumption of the studies of modernization was that the cultural dimensions or aspects of modernization—the basic cultural premises of Western modernity, the “secular” rational worldview, including a strong individualistic orientation—are inherently and necessarily interwoven with the structural ones. Accordingly, most of the classics of sociology as well as the studies of modernization of the 1940s and 1950s and the closely related studies of convergence of industrial societies have assumed, even if only implicitly, that the basic institutional formations, the definitions of the institutional arenas, the modes of their regulation and integration that developed in European modernity, and the cultural program of modernity as it developed in the West will “naturally” be ultimately taken over, with possibly local variations, in all—or at least in the “successful”—modernizing societies. It is further assumed that this project of modernity, with its hegemonic and homogenizing tendencies, will continue in the West and, with the expansion of modernity, will prevail throughout the world.

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