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Society historically has associated criminal activity with homelessness. As early as the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, observers such as Jack London and Nels Anderson provided vivid accounts of the lawlessness of hoboes, tramps, and bums. The numerous arrests of chronically alcoholic men living on American skid rows made criminal activity a major characteristic of homelessness until the decriminalization of public drunkenness. As substantial numbers of apparently mentally ill people began to spread throughout U.S. cities during the late 1970s, researchers’ interest in criminal activity was displaced by investigations of deinstitutionalization as the primary cause of homelessness. During the past decade, researchers have become more interested in examining criminal activity among homeless populations as reports have emerged about substantial and possibly increasing proportions of jail inmates with histories of homelessness and mental illness. Criminalization of mental illness due to deinstitutionalization and criminalization of homelessness due to gentrification aroused interest in examining the implications of shifting the responsibility for these two overlapping populations from the mental health and social services systems to the criminal justice system.

Sources of Information

Although criminal activity per se has not been the major focus of most contemporary research on homeless people, information can be gleaned from many of the encyclopedic surveys of the homeless population conducted since 1980. Information on numbers and characteristics of arrests and incarceration is elicited directly from interviews or review of records, and indirect indicators of criminal activities can be found in descriptions of other aspects of the homeless lifestyle. For example, measures of employment may include information on illegal income procurement such as panhandling, prostitution, drug dealing, and the like. However, differences in definitions of both homelessness and criminal activity impede comparing rates or generalizing findings from studies. For example, studies employing broad descriptors, such as “trouble with the law,” fail to distinguish between arrest and conviction or between jailing and imprisonment, and the fact that such studies do not use standard offense categories makes it difficult for one to assess the character or magnitude of criminal activity in the homeless population.

Information about the nature of criminal activity engaged in by homeless people can reduce NIMBY (not in my back yard) barriers to services for homeless people by demonstrating to concerned people in the area that homeless people are not generally violent or dangerous. Researchers need information on arrest patterns correlated with personal and health characteristics to assess whether homelessness is being criminalized, particularly among specific subgroups of the homeless population, such as persons with mental illnesses. Examination of patterns of criminal activity and incarceration can identify gaps in service systems and determine the extent to which the responsibility for providing health, mental health, and other essential services is being shifted to the criminal justice system.

Rates of Arrests and Incarceration

Homeless persons are substantially more likely to be arrested and incarcerated than are persons in the general population, even when compared with low-income persons. One-fifth to two-thirds of the homeless persons questioned in studies conducted since 1980 reported having been arrested or incarcerated. Studies using comparison groups show striking differences. For example, nearly three-fifths of homeless men in Baltimore reported having been arrested, compared with about one-quarter of housed men. Recidivism is also high among homeless adults. For example, homeless shelter residents with arrest histories in Detroit averaged 5.3 prior arrests, and more than one-half of a Los Angeles homeless sample reported adult arrests, with nearly two-thirds having had multiple arrests.

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