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At a key moment in The Good Shepherd, the 2006 film about the birth of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), agent Edward Wilson (played by Matt Damon) pays a visit to the Mafia boss Joseph Palmi (Joe Pesci). As they sit down to discuss their common “problem” of Fidel Castro's Cuba, Wilson insinuates to Palmi that he will be deported to Italy if he refuses to cooperate with the CIA. Clearly insulted, Palmi retorts, “You're not going to deport anyone. I've lived in this country since I was two months old.” Palmi then questions Wilson, “Tell me something. We Italians got family and the Church. The Irish got the old country. The Jews got their tradition. Hell, even the Blacks got their music. But, what have you people got?” Perfectly calm and deadly serious, Wilson (a Yale graduate and member of Yale's secret society, Skull and Bones) responds, “We've got the United States of America. The rest of you are just visiting.”

The preceding pointed exchange captures with dramatic precision the mid-century assumptions about the way that immigration and race are linked in U.S. history. Though often celebrated as an idyllic “melting pot” or mythic “mosaic” of racial equality and ethnic tolerance, the history of race and ethnic relations in the United States is actually one of struggle for inclusion as full and equal members by a series of immigrant and racial “minorities”—often thought of as immigrant outsiders “just visiting.” Ironically, one “ethnic” or “racial” group never directly named during the above exchange, who Palmi refers to as, “you people” (White Anglo-Saxon Protestants or WASPs), is the very group that founded the United States as a nation and established itself as the charter group atop a surprisingly resilient, if still evolving and increasingly complex ethnoracial hierarchy.

More ironic still is that this fictionalized exchange between a “blue-blooded” representative of the U.S. “mainstream” and an Italian American (both of whom would be defined as “White” today) took place before 1965, the year that heralded the arrival on U.S. shores of a massive new wave of non-European and largely non-White immigrants from all across the world. Given their large numbers and unprecedented racial diversity, the arrival of this most recent wave of immigrants has challenged long-established notions of race and ethnicity in the United States. This group has also tested as never before the nation's ongoing effort to balance the assimilation of immigrants with respect for their racial and ethnic pluralism. In short, what is at stake is the United States's definition of itself as “a nation of immigrants.” This entry looks at immigration through the lens of race.

The U.S. Ethnoracial Hierarchy

Racial and ethnic relations can follow several distinct patterns, including assimilation, pluralism, multicul-turalism, segregation, slavery, and even genocide. Although the history of the United States has been dominated by an ambivalent balance between assimilation and pluralism often celebrated as the U.S. “melting pot,” at different times it has included each of these other patterns—especially with reference to the reception and treatment of those defined as non-White. Furthermore, changes in racial and ethnic relations in the United States have often come about because of changes in immigration, as well as because of direct moral or legal challenges to the status quo. For example, who could be defined as “White” or as an “American” was gradually expanded between 1850 and 1950 as two massive waves of non-Anglo immigrants from northwest Europe (Germans and Irish) and southwest Europe (Italians and Jews) added their distinctive cultures, languages, religions, and colors to the melting pot. Also, as a result of the Civil Rights Movement, African Americans gained protection from legal discrimination for the first time despite having been members of the U.S. mosaic for more than 400 years. Finally, how an ethnic group enters U.S. society (voluntary immigration versus involuntary immigration: conquest, slavery, or annexation) directly affects its subsequent place in the U.S. ethno-racial hierarchy and, thus, the overall pattern of race and ethnic relations in the country.

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