Rape Perceptions

Some 40 years have passed since the initial groundbreaking research conducted by Neil Malamuth and colleagues that cast a spotlight on the effects of sexually violent media (see Malamuth, Addison, & Koss, 2001, for a review of the literature). Those early studies, many of them experimental, focused on the effects of exposure to printed rape depictions, audiotaped rape depictions, and depictions of rape in mainstream films. Findings pointed to significant positive relationships between exposure to sexually violent content and (a) acceptance of violence against women and (b) males’ self-reported likelihood of raping. Survey research also emerged at this time indicating a positive relationship between exposure to sexually explicit (relative to mainstream) magazines such as Penthouse and Playboy and men’s and women’s acceptance of rape myths.

As striking as these studies were (and still are), there has been a relative dearth of recent research on this phenomenon. For example, there has been little understanding of potential audience effects from viewing sexual violence on mainstream television. Although some progress had been made in the study of sex-related and sexual assault–related content in mainstream television programming, these studies have focused primarily on documenting the ubiquity of such content (Cuklanz, 2006). More recently, researchers have begun to examine the relationship between this pervasive content and audience beliefs about rape—specifically rape myths—and sexual assault, drawing from the cultivation framework and a feminist ecological perspective (Kahlor & Eastin, 2011). The cultivation framework refers to the study of long-term television effects that result from heavy television viewing, whereby heavy viewers cultivate beliefs that are more reflective of television’s depictions of reality compared with more objective assessments of reality such as crime statistics. Feminist theory suggests that societal-level variables affect men and women differently. The feminist ecological perspective suggests that violence toward women should be studied across the microsystem of the family, the exosystem in which the family resides, and the macrosystem of society that inflicts dominant cultural norms. This entry discusses depictions of rape in the media and summarizes research into the effects of these depictions.

Rape myths refers to false but persistent beliefs and stereotypes regarding forced or coerced sexual intercourse and the victims and perpetrators of such acts. Rape myths include the idea that women frequently allege rape when they regret consensual sex after the fact and that women who claim rape are promiscuous women with bad reputations who dress provocatively and behave wantonly. Such myths are still believed to be prevalent among the general public, despite the sobering reality that 1 in 6 women in the United States has been the victim of a completed or attempted rape at some time in her life (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006), and only about 5% of the rape complaints received by law enforcement agencies are deemed unfounded.

Although men are significantly more accepting of rape myths, mythical rape perceptions are held by both men and women, and some research has suggested that these myths are more prevalent among minority populations such as Hispanics and African Americans, although the latter links are still considered tentative. Research has indicated mixed results as to whether age or education plays a role in rape myth acceptance; however, it does appear that rape myth acceptance can be lowered through rape-related educational interventions such as conversations with counselors, lectures, and visual programming (movies, videos, etc.).

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