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Debates over how to more effectively serve poor and working-class children of color in city schools have intensified since the 1960s. During this period, an increasing number of educational researchers began paying close attention to the role of race and culture in improving practices in city schools. This work, which came to be known as the multicultural education movement, brought with it a focus on the importance of school curriculum design that paid close attention to race, class, gender, language, and culture. Despite increased attention to practices in urban schools, significant gaps in academic achievement remain between urban youth of color and their White suburban counterparts. This entry discusses the emergent debates about the importance of accountability, assessment, school design, resources, curriculum, and classroom practices for closing achievement gaps in urban schools.

Policy and Urban School Practice

Under President Lyndon Johnson's administration, the United States saw the first national policy commitment to addressing unequal outcomes in public education with the authorizing of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (ESEA). Decades later, however, there was very little to show in the way of measurable progress for urban schools. The lack of progress amplified the voices of scholars and media outlets raising concerns over the racialized gap in achievement. In 2002, President George W. Bush responded by signing the No Child Left Behind Act, which Congress meant to initiate a national commitment to “standards-based reform” in U.S. public schools.

No Child Left behind (NCLB)

NCLB attributed persistent failure in urban schools to low expectations, the absence of measurable goals, and a general lack of accountability for raising achievement. Under NCLB, states would be allowed to establish their own grade-level standards for achievement, but in order to receive federal dollars, they would need to show “adequate yearly progress” (AYP) on standardized tests that measured progress on those standards. These tests were to be given to all third through eighth graders every year, and at least once during high school.

Proponents of NCLB argued that by having each state create common standards to which all students would be held, lower expectations for urban students of color would no longer be tolerated. Through public reporting of every public school's progress on these standards, a system of public accountability would lift the veil off schools that had been languishing in failure for decades. This would allow for no-nonsense school improvement strategies that either got failing schools back on the right track or closed them down. The stated goal was that by 2014 every child in U.S. public schools would be achieving at or above grade level on standardized tests.

NCLB has had its share of critics from various corners of the education world, many of whom have decried the heavy emphasis on standardized testing and lack of adequate funding for urban schools to meet the stated demands for improvement. Pressure on teachers and schools to raise test scores as the primary measuring stick of improvement has led critics to describe urban schools as test-taking factories that have been forced to cut out, or cut back, programming that is not on the state test (such as art, science, theatre, and music). Ironically, former Assistant Secretary of Education Diane Ravitch has become one of the most prominent critics of NCLB after playing a central role in the law's initial implementation. Ravitch has since called NCLB's accountability strategies a “nightmare” for U.S. schools and has joined a host of other outspoken critics of the wave of charter schools that have opened as a result of the law.

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