Cases in International Relations: Pathways to Conflict and Cooperation


Glenn Hastedt, Donna L. Lybecker & Vaughn P. Shannon

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    CQ Press, an imprint of SAGE, is the leading publisher of books, periodicals, and electronic products on American government and international affairs. CQ Press consistently ranks among the top commercial publishers in terms of quality, as evidenced by the numerous awards its products have won over the years. CQ Press owes its existence to Nelson Poynter, former publisher of the St. Petersburg Times, and his wife Henrietta, with whom he founded Congressional Quarterly in 1945. Poynter established CQ with the mission of promoting democracy through education and in 1975 founded the Modern Media Institute, renamed The Poynter Institute for Media Studies after his death. The Poynter Institute ( is a nonprofit organization dedicated to training journalists and media leaders.

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    To Cathy, Sarah and Guy, and Kelly and Matthew. —Glenn

    To my daughters, Sophia and Catherine Shannon, whom I hope always will be surrounded by books. —Vaughn

    To my students, whose creativity and passion inspire and amaze me. —Donna


    Regardless of the name they go by, introductory international politics courses are challenging to teach. Current events outpace the ability of texts to keep up with them, and the course attracts students with a variety of interests. Some are there merely to fulfill a university or departmental graduation requirement. Others have lived abroad or bring with them a curiosity about foreign cultures. Still others have little exposure to international politics but are fascinated with newspaper and media accounts of events overseas.

    Adding to this pedagogical challenge is the increasing number of perspectives that exist within the discipline from which to view and evaluate events and the fact that, as the Cold War recedes further and further from view, international politics courses have lost much of their substantive coherence. The high-low politics distinction, as well as that between foreign and domestic policy, no longer serve as effective gatekeepers to what is covered and what is not. Instructors have come to employ a wide range of teaching strategies to address the needs of their varied student audience and accomplish their pedagogical goals. While we can point to a set of best practices to help frame our efforts in the classroom, no single teaching strategy exists today, nor is one likely to emerge.

    In Cases in International Relations: Pathways to Conflict and Cooperation, we have sought to recognize this complex setting and the diversity of approaches that exist. We believe that our case studies have widespread utility in international politics courses because they provide instructors with assistance in accomplishing what we believe is an underlying goal shared by virtually all: helping students to become critical and independent thinkers who can analyze headlines yet to come.

    Consistent with this fundamental objective, our goal is to help students understand that headline events in international politics do not emerge “out of the blue.” They have a history and, just as important, they have a future. Our point of departure in organizing our case studies is that conflict and cooperation are not single, stand-alone events, but are part of a stream of activity that creates a pathway from inception to some form of resolution, however temporary, and then continues on to set in motion a new set of foreign policy issues to be addressed.

    Case studies are a valuable tool because they permit students to obtain a deeper sense of the dynamics of a problem than is possible in lectures. Through the case studies in this book, students will come to understand that conflict and cooperation are not polar opposites but aspects of foreign policy-making that are universally present. Most importantly, when organized in a consistent fashion, multiple cases studies allow students to discover points of similarity and differences in how conflict and cooperation can evolve and interact. The critical-thinking skills and insights the students develop in doing so can then be applied to helping them understand future problems in world politics.

    Organization of Case Studies

    The book's first chapter sets the stage for the presentation of the case studies by introducing students to the types of activity that occur. The discussions are not meant to be exhaustive conceptual overviews but are intended to (1) provide students with a firm platform from which to view the unfolding cases and (2) provide instructors with a foundation onto which they can add supplemental conceptual material from lectures or other readings if they so wish. Chapter 1 includes a brief study of U.S. involvement in Vietnam from the end of World War II to the present, which helps students understand how to read the case studies and why they are important. Students also get a sense of the type of critical-thinking questions they will encounter in the case studies that follow.

    The case studies are organized under three main parts that address enduring and emerging issues in international politics. Part I: Military Security explores such issues as the long-standing Arab-Israeli conflict and the rapidly developing field of cybersecurity. Part II: Economic Security considers topics such as the creation of a European common currency and the challenges of global hunger. Part III: Human Security examines such issues as immigration on the U.S.-Mexican border, humanitarian relief in Haiti, and the establishment of rules for an Arctic regime. The cases range from the narrowly defined to those of a broader scope. Many were selected for their ability to cross over into the other parts of the book. The South China Sea case study in Part I, for example, contains significant economic elements. Our goal in doing this was to help students see the full complexity of international politics issues and to avoid attaching labels of convenience to problems.

    Case study material is structured similarly in every chapter to facilitate the learning process. Each chapter begins with a general discussion that places the case study in a broader context so that students can see its importance to the field of international politics. We then present the case study by breaking down its pathway of conflict and cooperation into three stages: (1) problem setting and origins, (2) problem definition and response, and (3) problem evolution and development.

    By first examining problem setting and origins, we recognize three important political realities: foreign policy problems rarely, if ever, come out of nowhere; they are not self-contained challenges existing in isolation from other problems; and the domestic politics of foreign policy problems may differ greatly, even for the same government.

    We next explore problem definition and response—how the problem was defined and how the actors involved responded. Individually and collectively, policymakers must determine how critical a situation is. The roles of national and global interests come into play here as policymakers identify how to address a problem, whether to use unilateral or collective action, and when to respond.

    The third stage, problem evolution and development, considers the results of the actions taken. Whether disputes are addressed through conflict or cooperation, efforts to deal with them eventually move to some form of resolution, be it a formal or passive settlement.

    Presented in this manner, the book's sixteen case studies help stimulate students’ thinking about the underlying dynamics of state behavior. They are designed to encourage students to recognize that they are not isolated or stand-alone events that will soon fade from view. The cases are selected with an eye toward their contemporary relevance for world politics and examine the actions of a wide range of actors: powerful states, small states, international organizations, nonprofit organizations, multinational corporations, and individuals.


    Our case studies also teach students that understanding the choices made in these pathways requires viewing international politics as more than “connecting the dots.” Students need to be able to recognize how global forces and the dynamics of foreign policy-making provide opportunities for, and place constraints on, different lines of conflict and cooperation. Several features in the book help to illustrate these lines, beginning with the Case Summary box that appears at the start of each chapter. This quick overview provides a snapshot of the key issues in play, the global context in which the dispute occurs, key actors and their motives, and relevant key concepts from the study of international politics. A Timeline allows students to note when a case study's key developments occurred.

    Recognizing that faculty place various degrees of importance on integrating conceptual material into case studies, a Concept Focus box presents an overview discussion of a relevant key concept or set of concepts that can help students with their analysis. This discussion is kept separate from the case study narrative to allow students to focus on the case and to allow instructors flexibility in the incorporation of theoretical concepts into their course objectives.

    A Spotlight box highlights a particular aspect, moment, or event in a dispute's pathway to conflict and cooperation, bringing added depth to the case study. Sometimes the Spotlight focuses on options available or choices made, such as in the selection of a setting in which to discuss monetary reform. In other cases, such as in the study on the creation of the euro, it may highlight the competing views held by key countries. It may examine the development of thinking on a problem, such as Chinese strategy in the South China Sea. This closer look further emphasizes the complexity of the dynamics of state behavior and foreign policy-making.

    Finally, each chapter concludes with a series of Case Analysis questions that direct students’ attention to the factors involved in foreign policy-making and asks them to reflect on the importance of these factors in the case at hand or to apply them to other foreign policy problems. Suggested Readings and Web Resources point students toward more information they can access on their own about the topic at hand.

    For instructors, we have written Case Notes, a set of case-specific entries that address why each case was profiled, including a summary and details on the global context, major actors, and themes for class discussion that tie each case to the larger context of international politics. Questions for discussion or assignment are also available, along with recommended videos that highlight aspects of each case. Instructors can access these resources by registering at


    The writing of this book was a joint effort, accomplished through many phone calls and e-mails as we determined the best format in which to present the cases. We wish to thank our colleagues Mark McBeth and Erica Allen Wolters, who always took time to help talk through concerns.

    This book benefited from an excellent editorial team at CQ Press. Publisher Charisse Kiino, acquisitions editor Elise Frasier, and development editor Nancy Matuszak were full of good suggestions and encouragement. Their expertise and insight were indispensable to moving this project from an idea to a finished product that we believe encourages and facilitates the development of critical-thinking skills. Copy editor Shannon Kelly helped fine-tune the manuscript, and production editor Libby Larson ably managed its final steps on the pathway to publication.

    The feedback from our reviewers was very helpful in refining our approach and emphasizing the right angles of the cases. We appreciate the time they took to read our drafts and respond with their insights: Risa Brooks, Marquette University; John W. Dietrich, Bryant University; Michael D. Kanner, University of Colorado, Boulder; Jessica Philipp, University of Phoenix; and Etga Ugur, University of Washington, Tacoma.

    About the Authors

    Glenn Hastedt holds a Ph.D. in political science from Indiana University. Formerly the chair of the political science department at James Madison University, he is now professor and chair of the justice studies department. He is the author of American Foreign Policy: Past, Present, Future, 9th edition (Pearson, 2011) and editor of American Foreign Policy Annual Edition (McGraw Hill, 2013). He edited Controlling Intelligence (Frank Cass, 1991) and co-edited Intelligence Analysis and Assessment (Frank Cass, 1996). Hastedt has also authored articles on intelligence in Intelligence and National Security, Journal of Intelligence History, Defense Intelligence Journal, and International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence, as well as chapters in edited volumes on intelligence.

    Donna L. Lybecker is an associate professor in the department of political science at Idaho State University, where she specializes in environmental politics and international relations. Her research activities focus on the western United States, the North American borders, and Latin America. Recent publications include articles in Environmental Politics, International Journal of Sustainable Society and Politics and Policy.

    Vaughn P. Shannon is an associate professor of political science at Wright State University, where he specializes in international security, foreign policy analysis, and Middle East politics. His research has been published in numerous journals, including International Organization, International Studies Quarterly, European Journal of International Research, Security Studies, and Foreign Policy Analysis. Most recently he is co-editor of Psychology, Constructivism, and International Relations: An Ideational Alliance (University of Michigan Press, 2011).

  • Notes

    1. David Dreyer, “One Issue Leads to Another: Issue Spirals and the Sino-Vietnamese War,” Foreign Policy Analysis 6, no. 4 (2010): 297–315.

    2. An early realist writer who stressed the importance of both possessive and atmospheric goals to the national interest was Arnold Wolfers, Discord and Collaboration (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1962).

    3. See Barry Posen, “The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict,” Survival 35, no. 1 (1993): 27–47; and Shiping Tang, “Fear in International Politics,” International Studies Review 10, no. 3 (2008): 451–471.

    4. See Joseph Nye, The Future of Power (New York: Public Affairs Press, 2011).

    5. Stephen John Stedman, “Spoiler Problems in Peace Processes,” International Security 22, no. 2 (1997): 5–53.

    6. Thom Brooks, “The Real Challenge of Climate Change,” PS: Political Science and Politics 46 (January 2013): 34–36.

    1. Marvin Ott, “Deep Danger, Competing Claims in the South China Sea,” Current History 110 (September 2011): 236–241.

    2. Robert D. Kaplan, “The South China Sea Is the Future of Conflict,” Foreign Policy (September-October 2011): 78–85.

    3. Ibid.; and Monsoon: The Indian Ocean and the Future of American Power (New York: Random House, 2010).

    4. “ASEAN Secretary General: South China Sea Risks Becoming ‘Asia's Palestine,’” AmCham Vietnam,

    5. Nguyen Hong Thao and Ramses Amer, “A New Legal Arrangement for the South China Sea?” Ocean Development and International Law 40, no. 4 (2009): 333–349; Dana R. Dillon, “Countering Beijing in the South China Sea,” Policy Review 167 (June-July 2011): 51–67.

    6. See Zhao Hong, “Energy, Security Concerns of China and ASEAN: Trigger for Conflict or Cooperation in the South China Sea?,” Asia Europe Journal 8, no. 3 (2010): 413–426.; M. Taylor Fravel, “China's Strategy in the South China Sea,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 33, no. 3 (2011): 292–319.

    7. See Zhiguo Gao, “The South China Sea: From Conflict to Cooperation?,” Ocean Development and International Law 25, no. 3 (1994): 345–359; Ralf Emmers, “The Changing Power Distribution in the South China Sea: Implications for Conflict Management and Avoidance,” Political Science 62, no. 2 (2010): 118–131; Thao and Amer, “A New Legal Arrangement for the South China Sea?”

    8. Denny Roy, China's Foreign Policy (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1988), 74.

    9. For a detailed account of the development of China's strategy, see John W. Garver, “China's Push through the South China Sea: The Interaction of Bureaucratic and National Interest,” China Quarterly 132 (December 1992): 999–1,028. The Spotlight section that follows draws heavily on his account.

    10. Chi-kin Lo, China's Policy toward Territorial Disputes (New York: Routledge, 1989), 93.

    11. Justin Ho Cheng Lun, “Sino-Vietnamese Tensions in the South China Sea,” East Asia Forum, December 15, 2012,

    12. Ralf Emmers, Cooperative Security and the Balance of Power in ASEAN and the ARF (New York: Routledge, 2003), 151

    13. See U.S. State Department, Daily Press Briefing, May 10, 1995,

    14. Leszek Buszynski, “ASEAN, the Declaration on Conduct and the South China Sea,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 25, no. 3 (2003): 343–362.

    15. Ian James Storey, “Creeping Assertiveness: China, the Philippines and the South China Sea Dispute,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 21, no. 1 (1999): 95–117.

    16. Leszek Buszynski, “Rising Tensions in the South China Sea: Prospects for a Resolution of the Issue,” Security Challenges 6, no. 2 (2010): 85–104; and Fravel, “China's Strategy in the South China Sea.”

    17. See “Remarks at the US-ASEAN Ministerial Meeting,” U.S. Department of State, July 11, 2012,

    18. The islands are known as the Senkaku Islands in Japan and as the Diaoyu Islands in China.

    19. “Viewpoints: How Serious Are China-Japan Tensions?” BBC News, February 7, 2013,

    1. J. David Singer and Melvin Small, The Wages of War, 1816–1965 (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1972); and Meredith Reid Sarkees, “Inter-State Wars: Definitions and Variables,”

    2. John Mueller, “The Obsolescence of Major War,” Bulletin of Peace Proposals 21, no. 3 (1990): 321–328; and Stephen Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature (New York: Viking, 2011).

    3. Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1979); and John Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2001).

    4. Stephen Van Evera, Causes of War: Power and the Roots of Conflict (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999), 6–11.

    5. Charter of the United Nations, Chapter I: Purposes and Principals,

    6. Charter of the United Nations, Chapter VII: Action with Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches of the Peace, and Acts of Aggression,

    7. See, for example, James J. Wirtz and James A. Russell, “U.S. Policy on Preventive War and Preemption,” The Nonproliferation Review 10 (Spring 2003): 113–123. Available online at

    8. Charter of the United Nations, Chapter VII.

    9. Ibid.

    10. Shibley Telhami, The Stakes: America in the Middle East (Westview Press, 2004), 140–147.

    11. Geoffrey Kemp and Robert Harkavy, Strategic Geography and the Changing Middle East (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment and Brookings, 1997), 110–114.

    12. United Nations Security Council Resolution 687, 1991,

    13. Elliott Abrams et al., Letter to President Bill Clinton, Project for the New American Century, January 26, 1998,

    14. Bob Woodward, Bush at War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002).

    15. PBS Frontline: The War behind Closed Doors,

    16. Mark Thompson, “Was There an Anthrax Push into War with Iraq?,” Time, June 27, 2011,

    17. Quoted in Peter Hahn, Crisis and Crossfire: The United States and the Middle East since 1945 (Washington, DC: Potomac Books), 123.

    18. “Saudis Warn US over Iraq War,” BBC News, February 17, 2003,

    19. Turkey Rejects U.S. Troop Proposal,”, March 1, 2003,

    20. Ibid.

    21. “EU Allies Unite against Iraq War,” BBC News, January 22, 2003,

    22. David Kinsella, Regime Change: Origins, Executions, and Aftermath of the Iraq War, 2nd ed. (Belmont, CA: Thompson/Wadsworth, 2007).

    23. Walter Pincus, “WMD Commission Releases Scathing Report,” The Washington Post, March 31, 2005.

    24. Barton Gellman, “Iraq's Arsenal of Ambitions,” The Washington Post, January 7, 2004, 22.

    25. JoAnne Allen. “FBI Says Saddam's Weapons Bluff Aimed at Iran.” Reuters, July 2, 2009,

    26. “Full Text: UN Security Council Resolution 1441 on Iraq,” The Guardian, December 20, 2002,

    27. Ibid.

    28. United Nations Monitoring, Verification, and Inspections Commission: Basic Facts,

    29. “Bush Ultimatum to Saddam: Text.” BBC News, March 18, 2003,

    30. H.J. Res. 114 (107th): Authorization for Use of Military Force against Iraq Resolution of 2002,

    31. Ibid.

    32. Ibid.

    33. Jerrold Post, The Psychological Assessment of Political Leaders (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2003).

    34. Vaughn Shannon and Jonathan Keller, “Leadership Style and International Norm Violation: The Case of the Iraq War,” Foreign Policy Analysis 3, no. 1 (2007): 79–104.

    35. Daniel Trotta, “Iraq War Costs U.S. More Than $2 Trillion: Study,” Reuters, March 14, 2013,; and Seth Cline, “The Underestimated Costs, and Price Tag, of the Iraqi War,” March 20, 2013,

    36. Andrew Tilghman, “Little U.S. Military Influence Remains in Iraq,” Army Times, March 4, 2013, 16.

    1. Shibley Telhami, The Stakes: America and the Middle East (NewYork: Basic Books, 2002).

    2. Greg Cashman and Leonard C. Robinson, An Introduction to the Causes of War (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2007), 157–197.

    3. Avraham Sela, The Decline of the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Middle East Politics and the Quest for Regional Order (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998).

    4. Hemda Ben-Yehuda and Shmuel Sandler, The Arab-Israeli Conflict Transformed: Fifty Years of Interstate and Ethnic Crises (Albany: SUNY Press, 2002).

    5. Rashid Khalidi, The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood (Boston: Beacon Press, 2007).

    6. Marvin Gettleman and Stuart Schaar, eds, The Middle East and Islamic World Reader (New York: Grove Press, 2003), 170.

    7. Ibid., 171–172.

    8. J. A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner, The Compact Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed. (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1991), 231, 234.

    9. Cashman and Robinson, An Introduction to the Causes of War, 15.

    10. Chester Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson, and Pamela Aall, Grasping the Nettle: Analyzing Cases of Intractable Conflict (Washington, DC: USIP Press, 2005), 5.

    11. William Zartman, “The Timing of Peace Initiatives: Hurting Stalemates and Ripe Moments,” The Global Review of Ethnopolitics 1, n0.1 (2001): 8–18.

    12. Naim al-Ashhab, “Lessons from the Past,”,

    13. Ibid.

    14. Khalidi, The Iron Cage.

    15. Benny Morris, ed. Making Israel (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2007).

    16. Ibid.

    17. Al-Ashhab, “Lessons from the Past.”

    18. Morris, Making Israel.

    19. Official Documents System of the United Nations,

    20. Cashman and Robinson, An Introduction to the Causes of War, 167; and Fred Khouri, The Arab-Israeli Dilemma, 3rd ed. (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1985), 182–183.

    21. Ranan Kuperman, Cycles of Violence: The Evolution of the Israeli Decision Regime Governing the Use of Limited Military Force (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2005).

    22. Michael Oren, Six Days of War: June 1967 and the Making of the Modern Middle East (New York: Presidio Press, 2003), 8–9.

    23. Cashman and Robinson, An Introduction to the Causes of War, 14.

    24. Some of this is adapted from Vaughn Shannon, Balancing Act: U.S. Foreign Policy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Burlington, VT: Ashgate Press, 2003).

    25. Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America, “The Six-Day War: Precursors to War: Arab Threats against Israel,”

    26. George Lenczowski, The Middle East in World Affairs, 4th ed. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1980), 559.

    27. Shannon, Balancing Act.

    28. H. W. Brands, Into the Labyrinth: The United States and the Middle East, 1945–1993 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1994), 128.

    29. Steven Spiegel, The Other Arab-Israeli Conflict (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 186.

    30. Ibid., 187–188.

    31. Brands, Into the Labyrinth, 125.

    32. Ibid., 127.

    33. See Camille Mansour, Beyond Alliance: Israel in U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), chapter 3.

    34. Richard Nixon, The Memoirs of Richard Nixon (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1978), 921; and William Quandt, Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict since 1967 (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1993), 157.

    35. Brands, Into the Labyrinth, 134.

    36. Ian J. Klausner and Carla L. Bickerton, A Concise History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1998), 183.

    37. Deborah Gerner, One Land, Two Peoples: The Conflict Over Palestine. Boulder: Westview Press, 1991, p. 76.

    38. Bernard Reich, Quest for Peace: U.S.-Israel Relations and the Arab-Israeli Conflict (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1977).

    39. Quandt, Peace Process, 326–329.

    40. Ziva Flamhaft, Israel on the Road to Peace: Accepting the Unacceptable (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), 119.

    41. See Gerner, One Land, Two Peoples, 95, for a comprehensive list. These annexations were condemned by the international community and have not been recognized.

    42. Wendy Pearlman, “Spoiling Inside and Out: Internal Political Contestation and the Middle East Peace Process,” International Security 33, no. 3 (2008–2009): 79–109.

    43. Spiegel, The Other Arab-Israeli Conflict, 419–420.

    44. Flamhaft, Israel on the Road to Peace, 39–41. Importantly, Israel's Labor Party approved the Reagan Plan and, when in power, moved on negotiations in due course.

    45. Gerner, One Land, Two Peoples, 94.

    46. Flamhaft, Israel on the Road to Peace, 53–56.

    47. This turned out to be the first of two uprisings that occurred by the time this book went to press; the other, the al-Aqsa intifada, began in September 2000.

    48. Gerner, One Land, Two Peoples, 97–99. Many of the Palestinian casualties in the later years of the uprising were inflicted by other Palestinians; see Mitchell G. Bard and Joel Himelfarb, Myth and Facts: A Concise Record of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Washington, DC: Near East Report, 1992), 170.

    49. Gerner, One Land, Two Peoples, 126. Twenty-seven states recognized the new Palestinian state, including the Soviet Union, Egypt, and other regional powers, and by the mid-1990s more states recognized Palestine than Israel. Still, the United States refused to grant recognition, which is why Palestine is still not a sovereign state. (Klausner and Bickerton, A Concise History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 233).

    50. Bickerton and Klausner, A Concise History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 235.

    51. James Baker, The Politics of Diplomacy (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1995), 122; and Flamhaft, Israel on the Road to Peace, 69–71. Carter had declared the settlements illegal, and Reagan called them “an obstacle to peace.”

    52. Gorbachev opened up the Soviet Union to the emigration of some 650,000 Jews to Israel between 1990 and 1995. Congress voted for the loan guarantees anyway, which led the White House to hold up their disbursement (Bickerton and Klausner, A Concise History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 249).

    53. Flamhaft, Israel on the Road to Peace, 131–132.

    54. A/Res/52/250.

    55. Dennis Ross, The Missing Peace (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2004).

    56. John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007).

    57. Andy Mosher, “Abbas Says Violence by Palestinians Should End,” The Washington Post, December 15, 2004,

    58. “Abbas Says Olmert Was ‘Two Months’ from Peace Deal,” Reuters, October 14, 2012,

    59. Khaled Abu Toameh, “U.S. Softening Opposition to Fatah-Hamas Unity,” Jerusalem Post, April 8, 2013,

    60. “Kerry to Defend Syria Policy in Mideast Visit,” Jerusalem Post, June 21, 2013,

    1. William Broad, John Markoff, and David Sanger, “Israeli Test on Worm Called Crucial in Iran Nuclear Delay,” The New York Times, January 15,2011.

    2. Malcolm Kerr, The Arab Cold War, 3rd ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1971).

    3. Kenneth Katzman, “Iran: U.S. Concerns and Policy Responses,” CRS Report for Congress, November 1, 2006,

    4. Richard Clarke, Against All Enemies (New York: Free Press, 2004), 103–104.

    5. Ibid., 112–121.

    6. Mohammed Khatami, President of the Islamic Republic of Iran, “Dialogue among Civilizations,” September 5, 2000,

    7. John Limbert. “Why Can't Arabs and Iranians Just Get Along?,” Foreign Policy, December 1, 2012,

    8. Trita Parsi, Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran and the U.S. (Cambridge: Yale University Press, 2007).

    9. Peter Lavoy, “Predicting Nuclear Proliferation: A Declassified Documentary Record,” Strategic Insights 3, no. 1 (2004). Available online at

    10. “The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,” United Nations,.

    11. Some of the following is excerpted from Vaughn Shannon, “Iran and the Middle East: The Pursuit of Security and Legitimacy in the American Age,” in Strategic Interests in the Middle East, ed. Jack Covarrubias and Tom Lansford (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2007), 171–196; and Vaughn Shannon, “The U.S. Reaction to the 2009 Iranian Election: The End of ‘Regime Change’ Politics,” Journal of Iranian Research and Analysis 26, no. 2 (2009): 47–63.

    12. Parsi, Treacherous Alliance.

    13. Shai Feldman, Nuclear Weapons and Arms Control in the Middle East (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997), 47.

    14. Graham Allison, Nuclear Terrorism: The Ultimate Preventable Catastrophe (New York: Times Books, 2004), 161.

    15. R. Jeffrey Smith and Joby Warrick, “Pakistani Scientist Khan Describes Iranian Efforts to buy Nuclear Bombs,” The Washington Post, March 14, 2010,

    16. See, for example, Patrick Clawson, Michael Eisenstadt, Eliyahu Kanovsky, and David Menashri, “Iran under Khatami: A Political, Economic, and Military Assessment,” The Washington Institute, October 1998,

    17. Feldman, Nuclear Weapons and Arms Control in the Middle East, 47.

    18. Allison, Nuclear Terrorism, 161.

    19. Ibid., 162.

    20. Frederic Wherey, Dalia Dassa Kaye, Jessica Watkins, Jeffrey Martini, and Robert A. Guffey, The Iraq Effect: The Middle East after the Iraq War (Santa Monica: Rand Corporation, 2010).

    21. Ibid.

    22. Fouad Ajami. The Foreigner's Gift (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2007), 108.

    23. Bernd Kaussler and Anthony Newkirk, “Diplomacy in Bad Faith: American-Iranian Relations Today,” Diplomacy and Statecraft 23, no. 2 (2012): 347–380.

    24. The poll bases its results on telephone interviews with 1,000 adults throughout Iran, which raises problems about the validity of the responses from a Western polling organization. See Mohammad Ali Shabani, “Iranians Support Nuclear Program, Blame West for Sanctions, Says Poll.” Al-Monitor, February 14, 2013,

    25. Glenn Kessler, “Did Ahmadinejad Really Say Israel Should Be ‘Wiped off the Map?,’” The Washington Post, October 5, 2011,

    26. Jonathan Broder. “Israel's Nuclear Blind Spot,” The Washington Post National Weekly Edition, March 19–15, 2001, 22.

    27. Feldman, Nuclear Weapons and Arms Control in the Middle East, 44.

    28. Broder, “Israel's Nuclear Blind Spot.”

    29. Dean Nelson, “A. Q. Khan Boasts of Help Iran's Nuclear Programme,” The Telegraph, September 10, 2009,

    30. Vali Nasr, The Shia Revival (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2007); and Deborah Amos, The Eclipse of the Sunni: Power, Exile, and Upheaval in the Middle East (New York: PublicAffairs, 2010).

    31. “U.S. Embassy Cables: Saudi King Urges U.S. Strike on Iran.” The Guardian, November 28, 2010,

    32. Ali Gharib and Jim Lobe, “Wikileaks Reveals Treacherous Terrain for Iran Policy,” Inter Press Service, November 29, 2010,

    33. Barbara Slavin, “Poll: Sectarianism, Syria Drive Negative Image of Iran,” Al-Monitor, March 5, 2013,


    35. “Europe's Iran Diplomacy,” European Union Center of North Carolina, March 2008,

    36. Seyed Hossein Mousavian, “Embrace the Fatwa,” Foreign Policy, February 7, 2013,

    37. “Iran: Ayatollah Khamenei Re-Issues Fatwa against Nuclear Weap ons,” YouTube, June 11, 2012,

    38. Mousavian, “Embrace the Fatwa.”

    39. Michael Eisenstadt and Mehdi Khalaji, “Nuclear Fatwa: Religion and Politics in Iran's Proliferation Strategy,” WINEP Policy Focus #115, September 2011,

    40. Walter Rodgers, “Iran Breaks Seals at Nuclear Plant,”, August 10, 2005,

    41. Seymour Hersh, “Last Stand,” New Yorker, July 10, 2006,

    42. IAEA Board of Governors, “Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran,” Febuary 4, 2006,; IAEA Board of Governors, “Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran,” August 31, 2006,

    43. Robert Tait and Ewen MacAskill, “Revealed: The Letter Obama Team Hope Will Heal Iran Rift,” The Guardian, January 28, 2009,

    44. John Limbert, “The Obama Administration,” United States Institute of Peace: The Iran Primer,

    45. “Timeline of Nuclear Diplomacy with Iran,” Arms Control Association, October 2013,

    46. Robert Jervis, “Getting to Yes with Iran: The Challenges of Coercive Diplomacy,” Foreign Affairs (January-February 2013): 105–115.

    47. “U.S. ‘Won't Stand in the Way’ of Israel Attack on Iran,” New Zealand Herald, July 6, 2009,

    48. “Iran Attacks Biden's Israel Remarks,” Al Jazeera, July 7, 2009,

    49. David Sanger, “U.S. Says Iran Could Expedite Nuclear Bomb,” The New York Times, September 9, 2009,

    50. Richard Russell, “Future Gulf War: Arab and American Forces against Iranian Capabilities,” JFQ 55, no. 4 (2009): 40.

    51. Barak Ravid, “Iran's Khameini: We Will Destroy Israeli Cities if Attacked,” Haaretz, March 21, 2013,

    52. Scott Peterson, “Iran's Rohani Vows Not to Surrender to Sanctions,” Christian Science Monitor, August 4, 2013,

    53. For overviews and assessments of the debate, see Colin Kahl, Melissa Dalton, and Matthew Irvine, “Atomic Kingdom: If Iran Builds the Bomb, Will Saudi Arabia Be Next?,” Center for New American Security, February 19, 2013,; and Thomas W. Lippman, “Saudi Arabia's Nuclear Policy,” Saudi-U.S. Relations Information Service, August 5, 2011,

    54. Samer al-Atrush, “Iran Leads Nuclear Drive in the Middle East,” AFP, September 18, 2010,

    1. Steven Metz, “Strategic Horizons: U.S. Must Prioritize among Al-Qaeda Franchise Threats,” World Politics Review, July 31, 2013,

    2. Vaughn Shannon, “Why Who Hates Us? Distinguishing Militants from the Merely Muslim,” Harvard International Review, 2006,

    3. John Esposito, “It's the Policy Stupid: Political Islam and U.S. Foreign Policy,” Georgetown University Research and Publications,; and Shibley Telhami, The Stakes: America and the Middle East (New York: Basic Books,2002).

    4. Barak Mendohlson, Combating Jihadism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).

    5. John Esposito, Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2002), 45–46.

    6. Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon, The Age of Sacred Terror: Radical Islam's War against America (New York: Random House, 2003), 57.

    7. Greg Mortensen, Three Cups of Tea: One Man's Mission to Promote Peace One School at a Time (New York: Viking, 2006).

    8. Jan Goodwin, Price of Honor (Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1994), 82.

    9. Ibid., 82–83.

    10. Ahmed Rashid. Taliban (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001) 129.

    11. World Islamic Front, “Jihad against Jews and Crusaders,” February 23, 1998,

    12. Peter Bergen, Holy War Inc: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2001), 119.

    13. “Wadih El Hage Resentenced to Life in Prison for His Role in the 1998 Bombings of the American Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania,” United States Attorney's Office, Southern District of New York, April 23, 2013,

    14. “U.S. Captures Al-Qaeda Leader Wanted over 1998 Embassy Bombings,” Al Jazeera America, October 5, 2013,

    15. Richard Clarke, Against All Enemies: Inside America's War on Terror (New York: Free Press, 2004).

    16. U.S. Department of Defense, DOD Dictionary of Military and Associated Terms,

    17. See a typology of political violence in Ariel Merari, “Terrorism as a Strategy of Insurgency,” Terrorism and Political Violence 5, no. 4 (1993): 213–251.

    18. Daniel Byman, “U.S. Counter-Terrorism Options: A Taxonomy,” Survival 49, no. 3 (2007): 121.

    19. Paul Pillar, Terrorism and U.S. Foreign Policy (Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 2001).

    20. Mark Mazzetti, Charlie Savage, and Scott Shane. “How a U.S. Citizen Came to Be in America's Cross Hairs,” The New York Times, March 9, 2013,

    21. Sabrina Siddiqui, “Obama Administration Skips Senate Drone Hearing,” The Huffington Post, April 23, 2013,

    22. Richard Betts, “The Soft Underbelly of American Primacy: Tactical Advantages of Terror,” Political Science Quarterly 117, no. 1 (2002): 19–36.

    23. Mendelsohn, Combating Jihadism.

    24. Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil, and Fundamentalism in Central Asia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), 133–134.

    25. “Bush Rejects Taliban Offer to Hand Bin Laden Over,” The Guardian, October 14, 2001,

    26. Steven Saideman and David Auerswald, “Comparing Caveats: Understanding the Sources of National Restrictions upon NATO's Mission in Afghanistan,” International Studies Quarterly 56, no. 1 (2012): 72.

    27. “Al Qaeda, Taliban Have Joined Hands in Pakistan,” Sify News, November 21, 2010,

    28. Aryn Baker and Loi Kolay, “The Longest War,” Time, April 20, 2009, 27.

    29. Rod Nordland, “American and Afghan Troops Begin Combat for Kandahar,” The New York Times, September 26, 2010,

    30. “Afghan, NATO Forces Launch Anti-Taliban Air-and-Ground Push in Kandahar,” Voice of America, September 27, 2010,

    31. Zeeshan Haider, “Pakistan Army Says in Final Phase of Swat Offensive,” Reuters, June 22, 2009,

    32. “U.S. Drone Strike Kills Four Taliban Militants in Pak,”, October 7, 2010,

    33. Behroz Khan and Ben Arnoldy, “Pakistan Taliban: U.S. Drone Strikes Forcing Militants Underground,” Christian Science Monitor, March 15, 2010,

    34. “Pakistan Taliban Threaten Attacks in U.S., Europe,” Reuters, September 3, 2010,

    35. Ewen MacAskill, “Osama bin Laden: It Took Years to Find Him but Just Minutes to Kill Him,” The Guardian, May 2, 2011,

    36. Aryn Baker and Loi Kolay, The U.S. in Afghanistan: The Longest War,” Time, April 18, 2009,,9171,1890410,00.html.

    37. Daniel Byman, Daniel, “Friends Like These: Counterinsurgency and the War on Terrorism,” International Security 31, no. 2 (2006): 79–115.

    38. Nic Robertson, “Taliban Split with Al-Qaeda, Seek Peace,”, October 6, 2008,

    39. Jason Motlagh, “Talks with the Taliban Still Face Many Hurdles,” Time, Oct. 25, 2010,,8599,2027300,00.html.

    40. Nick Schifrin and Kirit Radia, “Afghan Impostor: U.S. Officials Confirm Talks with Phony Taliban Leader,” ABC News, November 23, 2010,

    41. Paul Tait, “Afghan Taliban Reject Talks Again,” Reuters, November 15, 2010,

    42. Katharine Houreld, “Karzai Stresses Need for Pakistani Help in Taliban Peace Process,” Reuters, August 26, 2013,

    43. Eric Schmitt and Mark Mazzetti, “Secret Order Lets U.S. Raid Al Qaeda,” The New York Times, November 9, 2008,

    44. Eric Schmitt and Mark Mazzetti, “Secret Order Lets U.S. Raid Al-Qaeda in Many Countries,” New York Times, November 10, 2008, … &.

    45. Gregory Johnsen, “Ignoring Yemen at Our Peril,” Foreign Policy, October 31, 2010,

    46. Paula Newton, “Purported al-Awlaki Message Calls for Jihad against U.S,”, March 17, 2010,

    47. Roger Runningen, “Obama Counterterror Aide Confers with Yemen's Saleh on Fighting Al-Qaeda,” Bloomberg Report, September 20, 2010,

    48. Mark Mazzetti, Eric Schmidt, and Robert Worth, “Two Year Manhunt Led to Killing of Awlaki in Yemen,” The New York Times, September 30, 2011,

    49. Ellen Knickmeyer, “Yemen: Al-Qaeda 2.0,” Global Post, September 27, 2010,

    50. Rob Lever, “14 Charged with Aiding Al-Qaeda-Linked Somali Group,” AFP, August 5, 2010,

    51. Ibid.

    52. Andrew Hansen, “Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb,” The Washington Post, December 11, 2007,

    53. Ravi Somaiya, “The Rise of Al-Qaeda in North Africa,” Newsweek, September 16, 2010,

    54. Al-Qaida Ask France to Negotiate with Osama,” PTI, November 19, 2010,

    55. Ravi Somaiya, “The Rise of Al-Qaeda in North Africa,” Newsweek, September 16, 2010,

    56. Jason Lyall and Isaiah Wilson III, “Rage against the Machines: Explaining Outcomes in Counterinsurgency Wars,” International Organization 63 (Winter 2009): 67–106.

    57. Tom Finn, “Yemen: Islam's Billy Graham Takes on Al-Qaeda,” Global Post, November 30, 2010,

    58. Fred Kaplan, “The End of the Age of Petraeus: The Rise and Fall of Counterinsurgency,” Foreign Affairs (January-February 2013): 75–90.

    1. Michael Hayden, “The Future of Things Cyber,” Strategic Studies Quarterly 5 (Spring 2011): 3.

    2. George Friedman, The Next 100 Years (New York: Anchor Books, 2009), chapters 9–11.

    3. Sam Byford, “Obama Warns China That Cyber Attacks Could Be ‘Inhibitor’ in Relations,” The Verge, June 8, 2013,

    4. “Preventing a U.S.-China Cyberwar,” The New York Times, May 25, 2013,

    5. Jane Perlez, “U.S. and China Put Focus on Cybersecurity,” The New York Times, April 24, 2013,

    6. David Sanger, “U.S. Directly Blames China's Military for Cyber-attacks,” The New York Times, May 6, 2013,

    7. Ibid.

    8. For a listing of major Chinese cyberattacks on the United States and other countries from 1999–2009, see Brian Krekel, “Capability of the People's Republic of China to Conduct Cyber Warfare and Computer Network Exploitation,” prepared for The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Committee by Northrop Grumman Corporation, October 9, 2009,

    9. Michael Kelley, “Pentagon: Chinese Hackers Have Stolen Data from ‘Almost Every Major U.S. Defense Contractor’,” Business Insider, May 7, 2013,

    10. Ellen Nakashima, “Confidential Report Lists U.S. Weapons System Designs Compromised by Chinese Cyberspies,” The Washington Post, May 27, 2013,

    11. For an expanded list see Joseph S. Nye Jr., “Nuclear Lessons for Cyber Security?,” Strategic Studies Quarterly 5, no. 4 (2011): 18–38.

    12. Barlow, John Perry, “A Declaration of Independence of Cyberspace,”

    13. Martin Libicki, Conquest in Cyberspace (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 84–85.

    14. Stephen Korns, “Cyber Operations: The New Balance,” Joint Force Quarterly 54, no. 3 (2009): 99–100.

    15. Federal Bureau of Investigations, “DNS Malware: Is Your Computer Infected?,” November 2011,

    16. Paulo Shakarian, “The 2008 Russian Cyber Campaign against Georgia,” Military Review 91 (November-December 2011): 63–68.

    17. David Sanger, Confront and Conceal: Obama's Secret Wars and the Surprising Use of American Power (New York: Crown, 2012).

    18. Christopher Bronk and Eneken Tikk-Ringas, “The Cyber Attack on Saudi Aramco,” Survival 55, no. 2 (2013), 81–96.

    19. For an assessment of cyberterrorism, see Robert Knake, “Cyber-terrorism Hype vs. Fact,” February 16, 2010,

    20. Jody Prescott, “War by Analogy,” The RUSI Journal 156, no. 6 (2011): 35.

    21. Tom Gjelten, “First Strike: U.S. Cyber Warriors Seize the Offensive, World Affairs 175 (January-February 2013): 33–43.

    22. Prescott, “War by Analogy,” 32–39.

    23. Paul Meyer, “Diplomatic Alternatives to Cyber-Warfare,” The RUSI Journal 157, no. 1 (2012): 14–19.

    24. “London Hosts Cyberspace Security Conference,” BBC News, November 1, 2011,

    25. Meyer, “Diplomatic Alternatives to Cyber-Warfare.”

    26. On China, see Nigel Inkster, “Chinese Intelligence in the Cyber Age,” Survival 55, no. 1 (2013): 45–66; Edward Wong, “Hackers Find China Is Land of Opportunity,” The New York Times, May 23, 2013; and Alexander Klimburg, “Mobilising Cyber Power,” Survival 53, no. 1 (2011): 41–60.

    27. Klimburg, “Mobilising Cyber Power.”

    28. See John Arquilla and David Ronfeldt, “Cyberwar Is Coming,” Comparative Strategy 12, no. 2 (1993): 141–165.

    29. See Colin Gray, Making Strategic Sense of Cyber Power: Why the Sky Is Not Falling (Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College Press, 2013); and Strategic Studies Institute,

    30. Andrew Mumford, “Proxy Wars and the Future of Conflict,” The RUSI Journal 158, no. 2 (2013): 40–46.

    31. Martin Libicki, “Cyberwar as a Confidence Game,” Strategic Studies Quarterly 5, no. 1 (2011): 132–146.

    1. John Barton et al., The Evolution of the Trade Regime: Politics, Law and the Economics of GATT and the WTO (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006); and C. Fred Bergsten, “Fifty Years of Trade Policy: The Policy Lessons,” The World Economy 24 (2001): 1–13.

    2. For a brief discussion of the International Trade Organization see Judith Goldstein, Ideas, Interests, and American Trade Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), 158–163.

    3. Silva Nenci, “The Rise of the Southern Economies: Implications for the WTO-Multilateral Trading System,” UNU-Wider Research Paper 2008/10, February 2008,; and A. Narlikar, “Fairness in International Trade Negotiations: Developing Countries in the GATT and WTO,” The World Economy 29, no. 8 (2006): 1,005–1,028.

    4. David Gantz, “Failed Efforts to Initiate the “Millennium Round’ in Seattle: Lessons for Future Global Trade Negotiations,” Arizona Journal of International and Comparative Law 17, no. 2 (2000): 349; Ewell Murphy Jr., “The Lessons of Seattle: Learning from the Failed Third WTO Ministerial Conference,” Transnational Law 13 (Fall 2000): 273–287.

    5. Andreas Marschner, “The New Lobbying: Interest Groups, Governments and the WTO in Seattle,” SAIS Review 21, no. 1 (2001): 159–177.

    6. “Empty Promises: What Happened to ‘Development’ in the WTO's Doha Round?,” Oxfam Briefing Paper, July 16, 2009,

    7. United States General Accounting Office, “World Trade Organization: Cancun Ministerial Fails to Move Global Trade Negotiations Forward; Next Steps Uncertain,” January 2004,

    8. Amrita Narlikar and Diane Tussie, “The G20 at the Cancun Ministerial: Developing Countries and Their Evolving Coalitions,” The World Economy 27, no. 7 (2004): 947–966.

    9. The G20 countries at the Cancun talks are not to be confused with the G20 countries at international monetary talks. The trade grouping is made up of developing economies while the monetary grouping is made up of developed and developing economies. The G20 countries referred to here are Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, China, Cuba, Benin, Botswana, China, Congo, Cote d'Ivoire, Djibouti, Egypt, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guineas Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mail, Mauritania, Morocco, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

    10. “Empty Promises.”

    11. Lamy's comments can be found at

    12. Mark Thirlwell, After Doha: 1. The Search for Plan B (Sydney, Australia: Lowry Institute for International Policy 2006); Peter Gallagher and Andrew Stoler, “Critical Mass as an Alternative Framework for Multilateral Trade Negotiations,” Global Governance 15, no. 3 (2009): 375–392.

    13. Heribert Dieter, “The Multilateral Trading System and Preferential Trade Agreements: Can the Negative Effects Be Minimized?,” Global Governance 15, no. 3 (2009): 393–408.

    14. See Ian Bremmer, The End of the Free Market (New York: Penguin, 2010).

    1. For overviews see Lucile Newman, ed., Hunger in History (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1990); and Joanna MacRae and Anthony Zwi, eds., War and Hunger: Rethinking International Responses to Complex Emergencies (London: Zed Books, 1994).

    2. Jonatan Lassa, “Famine, Drought, and Malnutrition: Defining and Fighting Hunger,” The Jakarta Post, July 3, 2006,

    3. Mark W. Rosegrant, Michael S. Paisner, Siet Meijer, and Julie Wit-cover, “2020 Global Food Outlook: Trends, Analysis, and Choices,” August 2001,

    4. Ruth Jachertz and Alexander Nutzenadel, “Coping with Hunger? Visions of a Global Food System, 1930–1960,” Journal of Global History 6, no. 1 (2011): 99–119; and Jennifer Clapp, Hunger in the Balance: The New Politics of International Food Aid (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012).

    5. Jachertz and Nutzenadel, “Coping with Hunger,” 102.

    6. Simon Maxwell, “Food Security: A Post-Modern Perspective,” Food Policy 21, no. 2 (1996): 155–170.

    7. International organizations are organizations whose members are states. This is different from international nongovernmental organizations, which are made up of nonstate actors such as relief organizations, professional associations, or scientific groups.

    8. Ramesh Thakur, The United Nations, Peace and Security (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).

    9. See “The Vision of FAO's Founders,”

    10. Jachertz and Nutzenadel, “Coping with Hunger,” 111.

    11. See Michael Hogan, The Marshall Plan: America, Britain and the Reconstruction of Western Europe, 1947–1952 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).

    12. “Hunger in a World of Plenty,” Greenpeace,

    13. Peter Toma, The Politics of Food For Peace: Executive-Legislative Interaction (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1967).

    14. See D. John Shaw, The World Food Programme and the Development of Food Aid (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001).

    15. Dale Hathaway, The World Food Crisis: Periodic or Perpetual? (Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 1975).

    16. Dan Morgan, Merchants of Grain (New York: Penguin, 1980); and Michael Atkin, The International Grain Trade, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, UK: Woodhead Publishing, 1995).

    17. Hathaway, The World Food Crisis; and D. John Shaw, World Food Security: A History since 1945 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).

    18. On the World Food Conference, see Shaw, World Food Security; Thomas G. Weiss and Robert S. Jordan, “Bureaucratic Politics and the World Food Conference: A Research Note on the International Policy Process,” World Politics 28, no. 3 (1976): 422–439; Thomas G. Weiss and Robert S. Jordan, The World Food Conference andGlobal Problem Solving (New York: Praeger, 1975); and Margaret Biswas, “The World Food Conference: A Perspective,” Agriculture and Environment 2, no. 1 (1975): 15–37.

    19. Shaw, World Food Security, 128.

    20. Ibid., 131.

    21. See Pedro Conceicao and Ronald U. Mendoza, “Anatomy of the Global Food Crisis,” Third World Quarterly 30, no. 6 (2009): 1,159–1,182; and Thomas Molony and James Smith, “Briefing: Bio-fuels, Food Security, and Africa,” African Affairs 109 (April 2010), 489–498.

    22. See Maxwell, “Food Security;” and Mitchel Wallerstein and James Austin, “World Food Council at 3 Years: Global Food System Manager?,” Food Policy 3, no. 3 (1978): 191–201.

    23. Shaw, World Food Security, 144–148.

    24. World Food Council, “The Global State of Hunger and Malnutrition: 1992 Report” (New York: United Nations, 1992).

    25. On the World Food Summit, see U.S. Government Accountability Office, International Food Security, GAO Report 08–680 (Washington, DC: Government Accountability Office, 2008); and World Food Summit on Food Security Bulletin 150, no. 7, November 2009,

    26. “Rome Declaration on World Food Security,” FAO Corporate Document Repository, November 1996,

    27. Shaw, World Food Security, 461.

    28. The Washington Post's Global Food Crisis Series, April 29, 2008,

    29. Anthony Faiola, “The New Economics of Hunger,” The Washington Post, April 27, 2008, 1.

    30. Clapp, Hunger in the Balance, presents this argument.

    31. Christopher Barrett and Daniel Maxwell, “Towards a Global Food Aid Compact,” Food Policy 31, no. 2 (2006): 105–118.

    32. Maxwell, “Food Security.”

    1. Benjamin Cohen, The Future of Money (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), especially chapters 1 and 8.

    2. Benjamin Cohen, Global Monetary Governance (New York: Routledge, 2008), 11.

    3. Susan Strange, Casino Capitalism (New York: Blackwell, 1986).

    4. James Rosenau and Ernest-Otto Czempiel, eds., Governance without Government: Order and Change in World Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

    5. James Boughton, The IMF and the Force of History: Ten Events and Ten Ideas That Have Shaped the Institution (Washington DC: International Monetary Fund, 2004).

    6. Benjamin Rowland, ed. Charles DeGaulle's Legacy of Ideas (Lanham MD: Lexington Books, 2001), 12–15.

    7. For a history of past financial crises see Luc Laeven and Fabian Valencia, “Systemic Banking Crises: A New Database,” International Monetary Fund Working Paper WP/08/224, October 2008,

    8. Anne O. Krueger, “Origins of the Developing Countries’ Debt Crisis, 1970 to 1982,” Journal of Development Economics 27, no. 1–2 (1987): 165–187.

    9. See William R. Cline, “The Baker Plan and the Brady Referendum: An Evaluation,” in Dealing with the Debt Crisis, ed. Ishrat Husain and Ishac Diwan (Washington, DC: The World Bank, 1989); and Manuel Monteagudo, “Debt Problem: The Baker Plan and the Brady Initiative: A Latin American Perspective,” International Lawyer 28, no. 1 (1994): 74–75,

    10. For discussions of the Asian crisis, see Steven Radelet and Jeffrey D. Sachs, “Onset of the Asian Financial Crisis,” in Currency Crises, ed. Paul Kruger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 105162; and Gregory Noble and John Ravenhill, eds., The Asian Financial Crisis and the Architecture of Global Finances (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

    11. See Dick Nanto, The Global Financial Crisis: Analysis and Policy Implications (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2009).

    12. Quoted in Mark Jickling, Containing Financial Crisis (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2008), 1.

    13. Nanto, The Global Financial Crisis.

    14. Ibid.

    15. For a discussion of the four phases of domestic responses to the global financial crisis, see Nanto, The Global Financial Crisis, 10–31. For lists of stimulus packages see p. 157.

    16. For discussions of the G20, see Peter Hajnal The G8 System and the G20: Evolution, Role and Documentation (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007); Judith Cherry and Hugo Dobson, “Seoul-Searching: the 201 G-20 Seoul Summit,” Global Governance 18, no. 3 (2012): 363–381; and A. F. Cooper, “The G20 as an Improvised Crisis Committee and/ or a Contested ‘Steering Committee’ for the World,” International Affairs 86, no. 3 (2010): 741–757.

    17. Nanto, The Global Financial Crisis, 15.

    18. Jinato's full statement can be found at

    19. See Katharina Gnath, Stormy-Annika Mildner, and Claudia Schmucker, “G20, IMF and WTO in Turbulent Times,” SWP Research Paper, August 2012,

    20. Nicholas Bayne, “The G20 after the Cannes Summit Speaking Notes for the Paris Seminar,” G20 Information Center, November 7, 2011,

    21. Cohen, The Future of Money, 14–16.

    22. Stewart Patrick, “Irresponsible Stakeholders,” Foreign Affairs 89 (November-December 2010), 44–53.

    23. Cooper, “The G-20 as an Improvised Crisis Committee.”

    24. Uri Dadush and Kari Suominen, “Is There Life for the G20 after the Global Financial Crisis?,” Journal of Globalization and Democracy 2, no. 2 (2011), article 7.

    1. Quoted in Bernard E. Brown, “The Ordeal of European Union,” American Foreign Policy Interests 35, no. 1 (2013): 24.

    2. See Emmanuel Mourlon-Druol, A Europe Made of Money: The Emergence of the European Monetary System (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012), 15–30.; Luca Einaudi, “From Franc to the ‘Europe’: The Attempted Transformation of the Latin Monetary Union into a European Monetary Union, 1865–1873,” Economic History Review 53, no. 2 (2000): 284–308; and Carsten Hefeker, “Interest Groups, Coalitions, and Monetary Integration in the XIXth Century,” Journal of European Economic History 24 (Winter 1995): 489–537.

    3. See John Gillingham, European Integration, 1950–2003 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

    4. Quoted in Chris Mulhearn and Howard Vein, The Euro: Its Origins, Development and Propsects (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2008), 28.

    5. On the Werner Committee, see Mourlon-Druol, A Europe Made of Money; and Mulhearn and Vane, The Euro.

    6. See David Marsh, The Euro: The Politics of the New Global Currency (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009).

    7. Otmar Issing, The Birth of the Euro (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); and Marsh, The Euro.

    8. See George Jones and Rachel Sylvester, “I Would Never Give Up the Pound, Declares Thatcher,” The Telegraph, May 23, 2001,

    9. Quoted in Frederic Bozo, Mitterrand: The End of the Cold War and German Unification (New York: Berghahn, 2009), 196.

    10. Mulhearn and Vane, The Euro, 120–168.

    11. Ibid., 169–190.

    12. Paul Mercier and Francesco Papadia, eds., The Concrete Euro: Implementing Monetary Policy in the Euro Area (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011); and Eleanor Zeff and Ellen Pirro, eds., The European Union and The Member States (Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner, 2006).

    13. See Erik Jones, “Europe's Threatened Solidarity,” Current History 111 (March 2012): 88–93; Daniel Gros, “The Misdiagnosed Debt Crisis,” Current History 111 (March 2012), 83–87; and Nicholas Crafts, “Saving the Eurozone: Is a Real Marshall Plan the Answer?,” CAGE-Chatham House Series #1, June 2012,

    1. William Lang, “Causes of Complex Emergencies,” Encyclopedia of Natural Disasters (Los Angeles: Sage, 2011), 49–53.

    2. Eugene S. Yim et al., “Disaster Diplomacy: Current Controversies and Future Prospects,” Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 24 (July-August 2009), 291–293.

    3. DeMond Miller and Derrick Miller, “Rejection of International Aid,” in Encyclopedia of Disaster Relief, ed. K. Bradley Penuel and Matt Statler (Los Angeles: Sage, 2011), 573–575.

    4. Allehone Mulugeta Abebe, “Special Report: Human Rights in the Context of Disasters: The Special Session of the UN Human Rights Council on Haiti,” Journal of Human Rights 10, no. 1 (2011): 99–111.

    5. Deborah Sontag, “Rebuilding in Haiti Lags after Billions in PostQuake Aid,” New York Times, December 23, 2012, 1.

    6. United Nations Evaluation Group, “Haiti Earthquake Response: Contex Analysis,” July 2010.

    7. Douglas Jehl, “CIA Nominee Wary of Budget Cuts,” The New York Times, February 3, 1993,

    8. See Chapter 2 of the 1994 United Nations Human Development Report,, 22.

    9. Ibid., 23.

    10. The definition is that used by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center; see “About Internal Displacement,” Norwegian Refugee Council,

    11. Glenn Hastedt, “U.S. Foreign Policy toward Haiti,” in Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy (New York: Facts on File, Inc., 2004), 204.

    12. Alex Dupuy, The Prophet and Power: Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Haiti, and the International Community and Haiti (Lanham MD, Rowman and Littlefield, 2007).

    13. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 1542, April 30, 2004,

    14. Roger Bilham, “Lessons from the Haiti Earthquake,” Nature 463 (February 2010): 878–879.

    15. Maura R. O'Connor, “Two Years Later, Haitian Earthquake Death Toll in Dispute,” Columbia Journalism Review, January 12, 2012,

    16. David Rieff, “Millions May Die … or Not,” Foreign Policy 188 (September-October 2011): 22–24.

    17. Philip Sherwell and Colin Freeman, “Haiti Earthquake: Police Open Fire on Looters,” The Telegraph, January 17, 2010,

    18. Rhoda Margesson and Maureen Taft-Morales, “Haiti Earthquake: Crisis and Response,” Congressional Research Service, February 2, 2010,; and Paul E. Weisenfeld,” Success and Challenges of the Haiti Earthquake Response: The Experience of USAID,” Emory International Law Review 25, no. 3 (2011): 1,097–1,120.

    19. William Booth, “NGOs in Haiti Face New Question about Effectiveness,” Washington Post, February 1, 2011,

    20. Abebe, “Special Report: Human Rights in the Context of Disasters, 104.

    21. United Nations Evaluation Group, “Haiti Earthquake Response: Context Analysis;” Weisenfeld, “Success and Challenges of the Haiti Earthquake Response;” United Nations General Assembly, Human Rights Council, “Report of the Independent Expert on the Situation of Human Rights in Haiti, Michael Forst,” February 7, 2013,; Patrice K. Nicholas et. al., “Orphans and At-Risk Children in Haiti,” Advances in Nursing Science 35, no. 2 (2012): 182–189; and Human Rights Watch, Nobody Remembers Us: Failure to Protect Women's and Girls’ Right to Health and Security in Post-Earthquake Haiti, 2011,

    22. Elizabeth Ferris and Sara Ferro-Ribeiro, “Protecting People in Cities: The Disturbing Case of Haiti,” Disasters 36 (July 2012): 43–63.

    23. Kerren Hedlund, “Strength in Numbers: A Review of NGO Coordination in the Field, Case Study: Haiti 2010,”

    24. William Booth, “NGOs in Haiti Face New Questions about Effectiveness,” Washington Post, February 1, 2011; Kathleen Jobe, “Disaster Relief in Post-Earthquake Haiti: Unintended Consequences of Humanitarian Volunteerism,” Travel Medicine and Infectious Disease 9, no. 1 (2011): 1–5; and Daniel J. Van Hoving et al., “Haiti Disaster Tourism—A Medical Shame,” Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 25, no. 3 (2010), 201–202.

    25. Human Rights Watch, “World Report 2012: Haiti,” January 2012,

    26. Center for Economic and Policy Research, “U.S. Aid to Haiti: ‘Troubling’ Lack of Transparency, Effectiveness,” Global Research, April 3, 2013,

    27. Deborah Sontag, “Earthquake Relief Where Haiti Wasn't Broken,” The New York Times, July 5, 2012.

    28. Jordan W. Tappero and Robert V. Tauxe, “Lessons Learned during Public Health Response to Cholera Epidemic in Haiti and the Dominican Republic,” Emerging Infectious Diseases 17, no. 11 (2011): 2,087–2,093.

    29. See Sontag, “Rebuilding in Haiti Lags after Billions in Post-Quake Aid;” and “Haiti: A Humanitarian Crisis in Need of a Development Solution,” Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, December 20, 2012,

    30. Quoted in Elizabeth Ferris, “Haiti and Future Humanitarian Disasters” (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, January 12, 2011).

    31. Elizabeth Ferris and Sara Ferro-Ribeiro, “Protecting People in Cities: The Disturbing Case of Haiti,” Disasters 36 (July 2012): 43–63.

    1. Charter of the United Nations,

    2. Hebah Saleh and Andrew England, “Defiant Gaddafi Vows Fight to Death,” Financial Times, February 23, 2011.

    3. Noueihed, Lin, and Alex Warren, The Battle for the Arab Spring: Revolution, Counter-Revolution and the Making of a New Era (Cambridge: Yale University Press, 2012), 167.

    4. Ibid., 178–179.

    5. Wayne Sandholtz, International Norms and Cycles of Change (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2009); and Martha Finne-more, “Constructing Norms of Humanitarian Intervention,” in The Culture of National Security, ed. Peter Katzenstein (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), 153–185.

    6. Michael Barnett, Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011), 51.

    7. Mark Amstutz, International Ethics: Concepts, Theories, and Cases in Global Politics, 4th ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013), 188.

    8. Ibid.

    9. Noueihed and Warren, The Battle for the Arab Spring, 179.

    10. Saleh and England, “Defiant Gaddafi Vows Fight to Death.”

    11. Noueihed and Warren, The Battle for the Arab Spring, 180.

    12. Simon Chesterman, “‘Leading from Behind’: The Responsibility to Protect, the Obama Doctrine, and Humanitarian Intervention after Libya,” New York University Public Law and Legal Theory Working Papers, Paper 282, 2011,

    13. Massimo Calabresi. “Susan Rice: A Voice for Intervention,” Time, March 24, 2011,,9171,2061224,00.html.

    14. Ibid.

    15. Ivo Daalder and James Stavridis, “NATO's Victory in Libya: The Right Way to Run an Intervention” Foreign Affairs 91, no. 2 (2012): 2.

    16. Andrew Black, “David Cameron: Libya Action ‘In National Interest,’” BBC News, March 18, 2011, Thanks to Matt Conaway for his collaboration on research into this area. See Matt Conaway and Vaughn Shannon, “The Political Psychology of R2P: Analogies and Multilateral Intervention in Libya,” Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the ISA Northeast Regional Meeting, Baltimore, MD, November 2–4, 2012.

    17. Noueihed and Warren, The Battle for the Arab Spring, 181.

    18. Angelo Del Boca, Mohamed Fekini and the Fight to Free Libya (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 3, 5.

    19. “Italy Prepares for Wave of Refugees,” BBC News, March 3, 2011,

    20. “Migrants Fleeing North Africa Turmoil Land on Lampedusa,” BBC News, March 7, 2011,

    21. “Italy Blocks Ferry of Moroccans Fleeing Libya,” BBC News, March 15, 2011,

    22. Rachel Donadio, “Turmoil in Libya Poses Threat to Italian Economy,” The New York Times, March 5, 2011,

    23. Şaban Kardaş. “Turkey's ‘Moral Politics’ in Libya: Seduction by Analogy?,” Today's Zaman, March 20, 2011,*-.html.

    24. Ibid.

    25. Ola Galal, “Arab League Bars Libya from Meetings, Citing Forces’ Crimes,” Bloomberg Report, February 22, 2011,

    26. Ahmed Eleiba, “Libya's representative to the Arab League resigns,” Ahram Online, February 22, 2011,

    27. “Gaddafi Must Stop Killings—Kutesa.” Daily Monitor, March 18, 2011,

    28. “UN Security Council Resolution 1973 (2011) on Libya: Full Text,” The Guardian, March 17, 2011,

    29. Ibid.

    30. Ibid.

    31. Ibid.

    32. “Libya Unrest: UK Reaction to UN Vote in Quotes.” BBC News, March 18, 2011,

    33. Ibid.

    34. Agence France Presse, “Europe Divided over Allied Campaign in Libya,” New Age, March 21, 2011,

    35. “Time for Gadhafi Family Exit, Says Turkish Foreign Ministry,” Hürriyet Daily News, April 6, 2011,

    36. Selcan Hacaoglu, “Turkey Recognizes Libya Rebels,” NBC News, July 3, 2011,; and “Turkey's Foreign Minister Meets Libyan Rebels,” The National, July 4, 2011,

    37. Nicholas Watt, “Libya Military Action Will Continue until Gaddafi Bows to UN Demand—Clinton.” The Guardian, March 29, 2011,

    38. Praveen Swami, “Libyan Rebel Commander Admits His Fighters Have al-Qaeda Links,” The Telegraph, March 25, 2011,

    39. “Libya: Rebels and NATO Dismiss Gaddafi Ceasefire Offer,” BBC News, April 30,2011,

    40. “UN Showdown Set over Action against Syria,” AFP, August 28, 2013,

    1. Lassi Heininen, “Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics,” Arctic Human Development Report,

    2. Oran R. Young, “Arctic Waters: The Politics of Regime Formation,” Ocean Development and International Law 18, no. 1 (1987): 101–114; and Lincoln Bloomfield, “The Arctic: The Last Unmanaged Frontier,” Foreign Affairs 60 (Fall 1981): 87–105.

    3. Barry Zellen, “The Inuit, the State, and the Battle for the Arctic,” Georgetown Journal of International Affairs 11 (Winter-Spring 2010): 57–64.

    4. Jessica Shadin, “Remaking Arctic Governance: The Construction of an Arctic Inuit Polity,” Polar Record 42, no. 3 (2006): 249–259.

    5. For a text of the treaty, see

    6. Timo Koivurova, “Limits and Possibilities of the Arctic Council in a Rapidly Changing Scene of Arctic Governments,” Polar Record 46 (2010): 146–156.

    7. For the text of the AEPS founding document, see

    8. Oran R. Young, “Can the Arctic Council and the Northern Forum Find Common Ground?,” Polar Record 38 (October 2002): 289–296.

    9. Oran R. Young, “Governing the Arctic: From Cold War Theater to Mosaic of Cooperation,” Global Governance 11, no. 1 (2005): 9–15.

    10. The 2009 National Security Strategy can be found at

    11. “Newly Sworn President Putin Orders Arctic Naval Boost,” Alaska Dispatch, May 10, 2012,

    12. Robert W. Murray, “Arctic Politics in the Emerging Multipolar System: Challenges and Responses,” Polar Journal 2, no. 1 (2012): 7–20.

    13. Barry Zellen, Cold Front Rising as Global Warming Melts Polar Ice Pack,” Strategic Insights 2, no. 8 (2008),

    14. Torbjorn Pederson, “Debates over the Role of the Arctic Council,” Ocean Development and International Law 43, no. 2 (2012): 146–156.

    15. Brandon Luedtke and Adrian Howkins, “Polarized Climates: The Distinctive Histories of Climate Change and Politics in the Arctic and Antarctic since the Beginnings of the Cold War,” WIREs Climate Change 3, no. 2 (2012): 145–159.

    16. Oran R. Young, “If an Arctic Ocean Treaty Is Not the Solution, What Is the Alternative?,” Polar Record 47 (October 2011): 327–334.

    17. Timo Koivurova, “The Actions of the Arctic States Respecting the Continental Shelf: A Reflective Essay,” Ocean Development and International Law 42, no. 3 (2011): 211–226.

    18. On the Law of the Sea Convention and related issues see Ted McDorman, “The Continental Shelf beyond 200 NM: Law and Politics in the Arctic Ocean,” Journal of Transnational Law & Policy 18, no. 2 (2009): 155–187.

    19. Margaret Blunden, “The New Problem of Arctic Stability,” Survival 51, no. 5 (2009): 121–142.

    20. For a discussion of the positions of the Arctic states on key issues, see Ian Brosnan, Thomas Leschine, and Edward Miles, “Cooperation or Conflict in a Changing Arctic?,” Ocean Development and International Law 42 (January 2011): 173–210.

    1. Edwin Mora, “Senate Democratic Whip Compares Sealing the Mexican Border to Trying to Keep Drugs Off of I-95,” Cyber-cast News Service, May 19, 2010,; and Rachel St. John, Line in the Sand: A History of the Western U.S.-Mexico Border (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012).

    2. Embassy of the United States, Mexico,

    3. Mark Stevenson, “Fox Visits Bush,” Migration News 8, no. 10 (2001),

    4. Marc Rosenblum, William Kandel, Clare Ribando Seelke, and Ruth Ellen Wasem, “Mexican Migration to the United States: Policy and Trends,” Congressional Research Service, June 7, 2012,

    5. Ibid.

    6. Raymundo Campos-Vazques and Horacio Sobarzo, The Development and Fiscal Effects of Emigration on Mexico (Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2012).

    7. Ginger Thompson, “Beyond the Border,” The New York Times, May 9, 2011,

    8. U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2004 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics, 2006).

    9. U.S. Department of Commerce, Historical Statistics of the United States (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce, 1976).

    10. U.S. Department of State, “The Immigration Act of 1924,” Office of the Historian,

    11. Rosenblum et al., “Mexican Migration to the United States.

    12. Kate Brick, A. E. Challinor, and Marc R. Rosenblum, Mexican and Central American Immigrants in the United States (Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2011).

    13. Barry R. Chiswick, “Illegal Immigration and Immigration Control,” The Journal of Economic Perspectives 2, no. 3 (1988): 101–115.

    14. Oliver C. Anderson, Illegal Immigration: Causes, Methods, and Effects (New York: Nova Science, 2010).

    15. Vincent Dowd, “Operation Hold the Line,” National Border, National Park: A History of Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument,

    16. Ibid.

    17. Department of Agricultural Economics, University of CaliforniaDavis, “Enforcement and Databases,” Migration News 4, no. 10 (1997),

    18. U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, “Enforcement, Fiscal Year 2000,” Statistical Yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, 2000 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2002).

    19. Ibid.

    20. Ibid.

    21. Elizabeth Dwoskin, “The U.S.-Mexico Border Got Secured. Problem Solved?,” Bloomberg Business Week, February 21, 2013,

    22. “Texas Gov Says U.S. Needs Migrants, Not Border Wall,” August 28, 2007,

    23. Traci Carl, “Mexico Blasts U.S. Immigration Policies,” The Washington Post, September 2, 2007,

    24. Good Neighbor Environmental Board, “A Blueprint for Action on the U.S.-Mexico Border,

    25. Ibid.

    26. Nick Miroff, “Three Ways U.S. Immigration Reform Might Impact Mexico,” The Washington Post, January 31, 2013,

    27. Edward Alden, “Immigration and Border Control,” Cato Journal 31 no. 1,

    28. Emily Badger, “Report: U.S.-Mexico Border More Secure than Ever, Pacific Standard, August 16, 2011,

    29. Lymari Morales, “Americans’ Immigration Concerns Linger,” Gallup Politics, January 17, 2012,

    30. Jeffrey S. Passel, D'Vera Cohn, and Ana Gonzalez-Barrera, “Net Migration from Mexico Falls to Zero—and Perhaps Less,” Pew Research, Hispanic Trends Project, April 23, 2012,

    1. Cutler J. Cleveland, “Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill,” in Encyclopedia of Earth, February 22, 2013,

    2. Matt Smith, “Coast Guard, BP End Gulf Cleanup in 3 States,”, June 11, 2013,

    3. Steve Coll, Private Empire: Exxon Mobil and American Power (New York: Penguin Books, 2012).

    4. Devin Thorpe, “Why CSR? The Benefits of Corporate Social Responsibility Will Move You to Act,” Forbes, May 18, 2013,

    5. Ian Bremmer, “The Long Shadow of the Visible Hand,” The Wall Street Journal, May 22, 2012,

    6. U.S. Energy Information Administration, “Energy Timelines: Oil (Petroleum),”

    7. Paul Robert, The End of Oil: The Decline of the Petroleum Economy and the Rise of a New Energy Order (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004).

    8. U.S. Energy Information Administration, ‘History of Energy 1635— 2000,” September 27, 2012,

    9. Marc Humphries, “CRS Report for Congress: Oil Development on Federal Lands and the Outer Continental Shelf,” August 6, 2008,

    10. U.S. Energy Information Administration, ‘History of Energy 1635— 2000.”

    11. Margaret Haerens, Offshore Drilling (Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2010).

    12. United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observation Mission, “Iraq/Kuwait-UNI KOM-Background,” 2003,

    13. “Bush Lifts Executive Ban on Offshore Oil Drilling,”, July 14, 2008,

    14. Steven Mufson, “Offshore Drilling Backed as Remedy for Oil Prices,” The Washington Post, July 14, 2008,

    15. Michael Knuzelman, “Document: BP Didn't Plan for Major Oil Spill,” The Guardian, April 30, 2010,

    16. Juliet Eilperin, “U.S. Exempted BP's Gulf of Mexico Drilling from Environmental Impact Study,” The Washington Post, May 5, 2010,

    17. Ibid.

    18. Ibid.

    19. Thomas Frank, “The Gulf Spill and the Revolving Door,” The Wall Street Journal, May 12, 2010,

    20. Mark Clayton, “BP Oil Spill: MMS Shortcomings Include ‘Dearth of Regulations,’” The Christian Science Monitor, June 17, 2010,

    21. Juliet Eilperin and Scott Higham, “How the Minerals Management Service's Partnership with Industry Led to Failure,” The Washington Post, August 24, 2010,

    22. Henry Hogue, “Reorganization of the Minerals Management Service in the Aftermath of the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill,” Congressional Research Service, November 10, 2010,

    23. John Solomon and Aaron Mehta, “Coast Guard Logs Reveal Early Spill Estimate of 8,000 Barrels a Day,” The Center for Public Integrity, June 3, 2010,

    24. The Ocean Portal Team, “Gulf Oil Spill,” Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History,

    25. “Assessing Impacts of the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill in the Gulf of Mexico,” Science Daily, July 10, 2013,

    26. Peter Baker and John M. Border, “White House Lifts Ban on Deep-water Drilling,” The New York Times, October 12, 2010,

    27. Guy Chazan, “Anadarko to Pay BP $4 Billion,” The Wall Street Journal, October 18, 2011,

    28. John Schwartz, “Rig Owner Will Settle with U.S. in Gulf Spill,” The New York Times, January 3, 2013,

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