Women and Men at Work


Irene Padavic & Barbara Reskin

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  • Sociology for a New Century


    Edited by Charles Ragin, Wendy Griswold, and Walter W. Powell Founding Editors: Charles Ragin, Wendy Griswold, Larry Griffin

    Sociology for a New Century brings the best current scholarship to today's students in a series of short texts authored by leaders of a new generation of social scientists. Each book addresses its subject from a comparative, historical, and global perspective, and, in doing so, connects social science to the wider concerns of students seeking to make sense of our dramatically changing world.

    • An Invitation to Environmental Sociology Michael M. Bell
    • Global Inequalities York Bradshaw and Michael Wallace
    • How Societies Change Daniel Chirot
    • Ethnicity and Race: Making Identities in a Changing World Stephen Cornell and Douglas Hartmann
    • The Sociology of Childhood William Corsaro
    • Cultures and Societies in a Changing World Wendy Griswold
    • Crime and Disrepute John Hagan
    • Gods in the Global Village: The World's Religions in Sociological Perspective Lester R. Kurtz
    • Waves of Democracy: Social Movements and Political Change John Markoff
    • Women and Men at Work Barbara Reskin and Irene Padavic
    • Development and Social Change: A Global Perspective, Second Edition Philip McMichael
    • Aging, Social Inequality, and Public Policy Fred Pampel
    • Constructing Social Research Charles C. Ragin
    • Cities in a World Economy, Second Edition Saskia Sassen
    • Gender, Family, and Social Movements Suzanne Staggenborg
    • Law/Society: Origins, Interactions, and Change John Sutton
    • Making Societies: The Historical Construction of our World William G. Roy
    • Women and Men at Work, Second Edition Irene Padavic and Barbara Reskin


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    About the Authors

    Irene Padavic is Associate Professor at Florida State University. Before becoming a professor, she worked in a variety of service-sector jobs: candy seller at a movie theater, waitperson, telephone solicitor, door-to-door promoter of real estate, paralegal, and marketing researcher. Her dissertation project provided experience in the industrial sector, where she worked as a coal handler in a power plant. Her research has been in the areas of gender and work, race differences in campus peer culture, economic restructuring, and changes in child care arrangements.

    Barbara Reskin is Professor of Sociology at Harvard University and, when this book went to press, was president of the American Sociological Association. As a student, she supported herself in a series of female-dominated clerical jobs in such disparate settings as radio and TV stations, trucking firms, temp agencies, insurance companies, and universities. The fact that most jobs for women were boring, low paying, and dead-end encouraged her to get a Ph.D. Her research examines how workers' sex, race, and ethnicity affect their work opportunities. She is especially interested in strategies that minimize discrimination, the focus of her most recent book, The Realities of Affirmative Action.


    For Randy and Robin


    For Joan, Lynn, and Naomi



    A look at jobs advertised in an urban newspaper from the middle of the last century1 provides a startling contrast to contemporary help wanted ads. Alongside reasonable requirements, employers frequently specified workers' sex, race, age, and other attributes that had no bearing on job performance.

    Gender was so structured into jobs that employers and newspapers published separate listings for men and women. These sex-segregated want ads were standard until the 1970s, when members of the National Organization for Women threatened to sue the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to force it to abide by the 1964 antidiscrimination law outlawing sex segregation.

    Consider some job requirements from the “Help Wanted—Men” columns:

    • Barber: Colored, experienced. Cavalry Detachment Barber Shop, Ft. Myer.
    • Bartender: Middle-aged, sober.
    • Driver: White, age 24–35. Must know city. Neat appearance. Good traffic record.
    • Truck drivers and helpers: Must be experienced in handling furniture; must be willing to work and have good references.

    The “Help Wanted—Women” section tended to be more specific regarding the kind of workers employers sought:

    • Airline Hostesses for TransWorld Airlines: High school graduate, age 20 to 27, height 5′2″ to 5′8″, weight 100 to 135, attractive, unmarried. Apply in person.
    • Cashier-Food Checker: White, middle-aged woman, honest, alert, intelligent. Experience in cashiering or food checking.
    • File Clerk: White, attractive, typing required, PBX experience helpful.
    • Fountain girl: White, for downtown drugstore; references.
    • Secretary: Real estate office has opening for experienced secretary under 40.

    The difference in the kinds of jobs men and women did can also be seen in the pay and working conditions that some ads specified. Most flagrant were pay differences. For example, an employment agency placed an identical listing for an “accountant-bookkeepe” in both sexes' columns, specifying a rate of $75 to $125 per week in the men's column and $65 to $100 a week in the women's. The work hours that ads listed for both sexes were typically 9 to 5, 5 days a week where employers were looking for white workers. In contrast, ads for female African American domestic workers described more extensive hours:

    • G.H.W. [general house work]: Colored girl to live in; good with children. Age 18 to 30. Off Sun. and half day Thurs. $20 wk.
    • Colored. Live In: modern home, private room and bath. Care of 1 child; must be able to iron men's shirts; other help. Wednesday and every other Sun. off. Salary depending on experience and willingness to assume other duties.

    U.S. society has come a long way since the days of “colored barbers” and “white fountain girls.” In 1964, Congress outlawed employment discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, religion, and sex, except in small firms.2 As a result of this legislation, newspapers eventually got rid of sex-segregated classified ads and stopped mentioning race in them. And, little by little, some employers began hiring women in formerly all-male jobs.

    Openly labeling jobs as men's or women's work—as was the practice 40 years ago—signals a highly segregated workforce and legitimizes assigning jobs based on workers' sex. But eliminating these labels does not ensure that jobs are available to anyone who is qualified. Even without the sex-segregated classified ads, most Americans can still readily distinguish “women's jobs” from “men's jobs,” and millions of Americans still work in sex-segregated jobs. Among the jobs listed earlier, for example, secretary is still overwhelmingly female and truck driver overwhelmingly male. And jobs that are mostly male still pay more than jobs that are mostly female.

    Comparing classified ads from the 1950s with contemporary help-wanted listings suggests that explicit sex inequality at work is not a constant. Its presence and extent vary tremendously, not only over time, but also across work settings. When hiring workers, some contemporary employers care about only work-related qualifications and treat female and male employees equally. Others do not. Examining the reasons for this variability in inequality is an important focus of this book. This focus—along with new data and updated scholarship—is the chief way that this edition differs from the previous one. We argue that the amount of sex inequality in a workplace depends on how employers organize work, the tasks involved, organizational leadership, and the existence of external pressures, among other factors. The chapters that follow illustrate the variation in sex inequality across places of work and review evidence about factors that are thought to heighten or reduce sex differentiation at work.

    Chapter 1 examines what work is and discusses the three components of what we call “gendered work”—the sexual division of labor, the devaluation of women's work, and the construction of gender on the job—processes that we return to throughout the book. Chapter 2 provides a historical context for gendered work in the Western world. It analyzes the effects of industrialization and the evolution of the labor force. It also moves beyond a Western focus to examine the sexual division of labor in other geographic areas. Chapter 3 provides an overview of sex inequality in the workplace and introduces several general explanations for sex inequality that the following chapters assess.

    Chapter 4 focuses on workers' segregation into different kinds of work on the basis of their sex, as well as their race and ethnicity. It also examines the causes of segregation and the mechanisms that affect its level. Chapter 5 looks at two expressions of hierarchical sex segregation in the workplace—differences in opportunities to move up and differences in the opportunity to exercise authority—and evaluates possible reasons for these differences. Chapter 6 focuses on the pay gap between the sexes, comparing men of color and all women to non-Hispanic white men in their average earnings, assessing trends in the earnings ratio for the sexes, evaluating explanations for the pay gap, and discussing strategies to reduce it. Chapter 7 examines work-family conflicts as well as the conflict that employed women and men face in trying to equitably distribute household tasks. It considers what government and employers can do and are doing to deal with the problems workers confront in combining paid and family work.


    1. The August 23, 1956, Washington, D.C., Evening Star.

    2. Subsequently Congress also outlawed age and disability discrimination.


    This book is the product of the work of many people. We are indebted to the scholars whose ideas helped to shape our own and whom we cite in the pages that follow; to those students and colleagues who make our work fun; and to our friends who offered encouragement when we were ready to abandon this project, assume new identities, and leave town. That these groups are too large for us to thank by name does not diminish our indebtedness or gratitude. Among those who helped materially in our finishing this book are Suzanne Bianchi, Bill Bielby, Karin Brewster, Naomi Cassirer, Catalyst, Jan Combopiano, Marie Cowart, Julia Drisdell, Randy Earnest, Henry Eliassen, Robin Ely, Dorothy Friendly, Laura Geschwender, Lowell Hargens, Darlene Iskra, Jerry Jacobs, Matt Kaliner, staff of the Henry A. Murray Center, Jean Pyle, Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study, John Reynolds, Steve Rutter, Liana Sayer, Annamette Sorensen, Jillaine Tyson, Vonessa Vondera, and Jerry Westby. Our greatest thanks go to Carrie Conaway, whose thoroughness and dedication in updating facts and figures was vital to our completing this revision.

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